independence and individuality essay brainly

Essay on Independence And Individuality

Students are often asked to write an essay on Independence And Individuality in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Independence And Individuality

Understanding independence.

Independence means making choices for yourself without others telling you what to do. Like a bird flying alone, it’s about being free to live your life. When you pick your clothes or decide on a game to play, that’s you being independent. It’s important because it helps you grow and learn to trust yourself.

What is Individuality?

The power of being you.

When you mix independence with individuality, you become strong and confident. You’re like a superhero with your own powers. By choosing your path and being true to yourself, you can achieve great things. Remember, being independent and individual is about celebrating who you are.

250 Words Essay on Independence And Individuality

What is independence.

Independence means being able to do things on your own, without needing help from others. It’s like when you learn to tie your shoes by yourself. You feel proud and capable because you don’t have to wait for someone to do it for you. Being independent is important because it helps you grow and make your own choices.

Why Independence Is Important

Being independent helps you become stronger. You learn to solve problems, like figuring out a difficult homework question on your own. It also gives you the freedom to choose what you want to do, whether it’s picking a game to play or deciding what to eat for lunch.

Why Individuality Matters

Your individuality lets you express who you are. It could be through the clothes you wear, the music you enjoy, or the way you decorate your room. When you share your own ideas and style, you make the world more interesting.

Bringing Them Together

Independence and individuality go hand in hand. When you’re independent, you can make choices that reflect your individuality. Both are keys to being happy with who you are and living a life that’s true to yourself. Remember, being different is good, and being able to stand on your own makes you strong.

500 Words Essay on Independence And Individuality

Independence means being able to make choices for yourself and do things without needing help from others. It is like when you learn to tie your shoes by yourself or make a sandwich without anyone’s help. For grown-ups, it means they can make bigger decisions, like where to work or live, without asking for permission or waiting for someone else to tell them what to do.

Understanding Individuality

Individuality is what makes you unique from everyone else. It is the special mix of qualities, likes, and dislikes that makes you, well, you! Just like no two snowflakes are the same, no two people are exactly alike. Your individuality is like your personal fingerprint on the world—it shows who you are and what you stand for.

Independence Helps Individuality Grow

The balance between getting help and being independent.

It’s important to remember that even though independence is good, asking for help is okay too. Everyone needs a little help sometimes, and it doesn’t mean you’re not independent. It’s like when you’re learning to ride a bike. At first, you might need training wheels or someone to hold on, but eventually, you learn to ride on your own. Getting help is part of the journey to doing things by yourself.

Why Individuality is Important

Your individuality is important because it is all about what makes you special. It’s like having your own superpower that nobody else has. When you are true to yourself and show your unique qualities, you add something special to the world that wasn’t there before. It’s like adding a new color to a painting that makes it even more beautiful.

How to Respect Others’ Independence and Individuality

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

Happy studying!

Leave a Reply Cancel reply

• The Columbian Exchange
• De Las Casas and the Conquistadors
• Early Visual Representations of the New World
• Failed European Colonies in the New World
• Successful European Colonies in the New World
• A Model of Christian Charity
• Benjamin Franklin’s Satire of Witch Hunting
• The American Revolution as Civil War
• Patrick Henry and “Give Me Liberty!”
• Lexington & Concord: Tipping Point of the Revolution
• Abigail Adams and “Remember the Ladies”
• Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense,” 1776
• Citizen Leadership in the Young Republic
• After Shays’ Rebellion
• James Madison Debates a Bill of Rights
• America, the Creeks, and Other Southeastern Tribes
• America and the Six Nations: Native Americans After the Revolution
• The Revolution of 1800
• Jefferson and the Louisiana Purchase
• The Expansion of Democracy During the Jacksonian Era
• The Religious Roots of Abolition

Individualism in Ralph Waldo Emerson’s “Self-Reliance”

• Aylmer’s Motivation in Nathaniel Hawthorne’s “The Birthmark”
• Thoreau’s Critique of Democracy in “Civil Disobedience”
• Hester’s A: The Red Badge of Wisdom
• “What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?”
• The Cult of Domesticity
• The Family Life of the Enslaved
• A Pro-Slavery Argument, 1857
• The Underground Railroad
• The Enslaved and the Civil War
• Women, Temperance, and Domesticity
• “The Chinese Question from a Chinese Standpoint,” 1873
• “To Build a Fire”: An Environmentalist Interpretation
• Progressivism in the Factory
• Progressivism in the Home
• The “Aeroplane” as a Symbol of Modernism
• The “Phenomenon of Lindbergh”
• The Radio as New Technology: Blessing or Curse? A 1929 Debate
• The Marshall Plan Speech: Rhetoric and Diplomacy
• NSC 68: America’s Cold War Blueprint
• The Moral Vision of Atticus Finch

Advisor: Charles Capper, Professor of History, Boston University; National Humanities Center Fellow Copyright National Humanities Center, 2014

Lesson Contents

Teacher’s note.

• Text Analysis & Close Reading Questions

Follow-Up Assignment

• Student Version PDF

In his essay “Self-Reliance,” how does Ralph Waldo Emerson define individualism, and how, in his view, can it affect society?

Understanding.

In “Self-Reliance” Emerson defines individualism as a profound and unshakeable trust in one’s own intuitions. Embracing this view of individualism, he asserts, can revolutionize society, not through a sweeping mass movement, but through the transformation of one life at a time and through the creation of leaders capable of greatness.

Portrait of Ralph Waldo Emerson, 1878

Ralph Waldo Emerson, “Self-Reliance” , 1841.

Essay, Literary nonfiction.

Text Complexity

Grade 11-CCR complexity band. For more information on text complexity see these resources from achievethecore.org .

In the Text Analysis section, Tier 2 vocabulary words are defined in pop-ups, and Tier 3 words are explained in brackets.

Click here for standards and skills for this lesson.

Common Core State Standards

• ELA-Literacy.L.11-12.4 (Determine the meaning of unknown and multiple-meaning words and phrases.)
• ELA-Literacy.RI.11-12.1 (Cite textual evidence to support analysis of what the text says explicitly as well as drawing inferences.)

Advanced Placement US History

• Key Concept 4.1 – II.A. (…Romantic beliefs in human perfectibility fostered the rise of voluntary organizations to promote religious and secular reforms…)
• Key Concept 4.1 – III.A. (A new national culture emerged…that combined European forms with local and regional cultural sensibilities.)
• Skill Type III: Skill 7 (Analyze features of historical evidence such as audience, purpose, point of view…)

Advanced Placement English Language and Composition

• Reading nonfiction
• Evaluating, using, and citing primary sources
• Writing in several forms about a variety of subjects

“Self-Reliance” is central to understanding Emerson’s thought, but it can be difficult to teach because of its vocabulary and sentence structure. This lesson offers a thorough exploration of the essay. The text analysis focuses on Emerson’s definition of individualism, his analysis of society, and the way he believes his version of individualism can transform — indeed, save — American society.

The first interactive exercise, well-suited for individual or small group work, presents some of Emerson’s more famous aphorisms as tweets from Dr. Ralph, a nineteenth-century self-help guru, and asks students to interpret and paraphrase them. The second invites students to consider whether they would embrace Dr. Ralph’s vision of life. It explores paragraph 7, the most well-developed in the essay and the only one that shows Emerson interacting with other people to any substantial degree. The exercise is designed to raise questions about the implications of Emersonian self-reliance for one’s relations with others, including family, friends, and the broader society. The excerpt illustrates critic’s Louis Menand’s contention, cited in the background note, that Emerson’s essays, although generally taken as affirmations, are “deeply unconsoling.”

This lesson is divided into two parts, both accessible below. The teacher’s guide includes a background note, the text analysis with responses to the close reading questions, access to the interactive exercises, and a follow-up assignment. The student’s version, an interactive worksheet that can be e-mailed, contains all of the above except the responses to the close reading questions.

Teacher’s Guide

Background questions.

• What kind of text are we dealing with?
• For what audience was it intended?
• For what purpose was it written?
• When was it written?
• What was going on at the time of its writing that might have influenced its composition?

Ralph Waldo Emerson died in 1882, but he is still very much with us. When you hear people assert their individualism, perhaps in rejecting help from the government or anyone else, you hear the voice of Emerson. When you hear a self-help guru on TV tell people that if they change their way of thinking, they will change reality, you hear the voice of Emerson. He is America’s apostle of individualism, our champion of mind over matter, and he set forth the core of his thinking in his essay “Self-Reliance” (1841).

While they influence us today, Emerson’s ideas grew out of a specific time and place, which spawned a philosophical movement called Transcendentalism. “Self-Reliance” asserts a central belief in that philosophy: truth lies in our spontaneous, involuntary intuitions. We do not have the space here to explain Transcendentalism fully, but we can sketch some out its fundamental convictions, a bit of its historical context, and the way “Self-Reliance” relates to it.

By the 1830s many in New England, especially the young, felt that the religion they had inherited from their Puritan ancestors had become cold and impersonal. In their view it lacked emotion and failed to foster that sense of connectedness to the divine which they sought in religion. To them it seemed that the church had taken its eyes off heaven and fixed them on the material world, which under the probings, measurements, and observations of science seemed less and less to offer assurance of divine presence in the world.

Taking direction from ancient Greek philosophy and European thinking, a small group of New England intellectuals embraced the idea that men and women did not need churches to connect with divinity and that nature, far from being without spiritual meaning, was, in fact, a realm of symbols that pointed to divine truths. According to these preachers and writers, we could connect with divinity and understand those symbols — that is to say, transcend or rise above the material world — simply by accepting our own intuitions about God, nature, and experience. These insights, they argued, needed no external verification; the mere fact that they flashed across the mind proved they were true.

To hold these beliefs required enormous self-confidence, of course, and this is where Emerson and “Self-Reliance” come into the picture. He contends that there is within each of us an “aboriginal Self,” a first or ground-floor self beyond which there is no other. In “Self-Reliance” he defines it in mystical terms as the “deep force” through which we “share the life by which things exist.” It is “the fountain of action and thought,” the source of our spontaneous intuitions. This self defines not a particular, individual identity but a universal, human identity. When our insights derive from it, they are valid not only for us but for all humankind. Thus we can be assured that what is true in our private hearts is, as Emerson asserts, “true for all men.”*

But how can we tell if our intuitions come from the “aboriginal Self” and are, therefore, true? We cannot. Emerson says we must have the self-trust to believe that they do and follow them as if they do. If, indeed, they are true, eventually everyone will accept them, and they will be “rendered back to us” as “the universal sense.”

Daguerrotype of Ralph Waldo Emerson

While “Self-Reliance” deals extensively with theological matters, we cannot overlook its political significance. It appeared in 1841, just four years after President Andrew Jackson left office. In the election of 1828 Jackson forged an alliance among the woodsmen and farmers of the western frontier and the laborers of eastern cities. (See the America in Class® lesson “The Expansion of Democracy during the Jacksonian Era.” ) Emerson opposed the Jacksonians over specific policies, chiefly their defense of slavery and their support for the expulsion of Indians from their territories. But he objected to them on broader grounds as well. Many people like Emerson, who despite his noncomformist thought still held many of the political views of the old New England elite from which he sprang, feared that the rise of the Jacksonian electorate would turn American democracy into mob rule. In fact, at one point in “Self-Reliance” he proclaims “now we are a mob.” When you see the word “mob” here, do not picture a large, threatening crowd. Instead, think of what we today would call mass society, a society whose culture and politics are shaped not by the tastes and opinions of a small, narrow elite but rather by those of a broad, diverse population.

Emerson opposed mass-party politics because it was based on nothing more than numbers and majority rule, and he was hostile to mass culture because it was based on manufactured entertainments. Both, he believed, distracted people from the real questions of spiritual health and social justice. Like some critics today, he believed that mass society breeds intellectual mediocrity and conformity. He argued that it produces soft, weak men and women, more prone to whine and whimper than to embrace great challenges. Emerson took as his mission the task of lifting people out of the mass and turning them into robust, sturdy individuals who could face life with confidence. While he held out the possibility of such transcendence to all Americans, he knew that not all would respond. He assured those who did that they would achieve greatness and become “guides, redeemers, and benefactors” whose personal transformations and leadership would rescue democracy. Thus if “Self-Reliance” is a pep talk in support for nonconformists, it is also a manual on how to live for those who seek to be individuals in a mass society.

Describing “Self-Reliance” as a pep talk and a manual re-enforces the way most people have read the essay, as a work of affirmation and uplift, and there is much that is affirmative and uplifting in it. Yet a careful reading also reveals a darker side to Emerson’s self-reliance. His uncompromising embrace of nonconformity and intellectual integrity can breed a chilly arrogance, a lack of compassion, and a lonely isolation. That is why one critic has called Emerson’s work “deeply unconsoling.” 1 In this lesson we explore this side of Emerson along with his bracing optimism.

A word about our presentation. Because readers can take “Self-Reliance” as an advice manual for living and because Emerson was above all a teacher, we found it engaging to cast him not as Ralph Waldo Emerson, a nineteenth-century philosopher, but as Dr. Ralph, a twenty-first-century self-help guru. In the end we ask if you would embrace his approach to life and sign up for his tweets.

*Teacher’s Note: For a more detailed discussion of the “aboriginal Self,” see pp. 65-67 in Lawrence Buell’s Emerson .

1. Louis Menand, The Metaphysical Club (New York; Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2001) p. 18. ↩

Text Analysis

Paragraph 1, close reading questions.

What is important about the verses written by the painter in sentence 1? They “were original and not conventional.”

From evidence in this paragraph, what do you think Emerson means by “original”? He defines “original” in sentence 6 when he says that we value the work of Moses, Plato, and Milton because they said not what others have thought, but what they thought.

In sentences 2 and 3 how does Emerson suggest we should read an “original” work? He suggests that we should read it with our souls. We should respond more to the sentiment of the work rather than to its explicit content.

In telling us how to read an original work, what do you think Emerson is telling us about reading his work? In sentences 2 and 3 Emerson is telling us how to read “Self-Reliance” and his work in general. We should attend more to its sentiment, its emotional impact, rather than to the thought it may contain. The reason for this advice will become apparent as we discover that Emerson’s essays are more collections of inspirational, emotionally charged sentences than logical arguments.

How does Emerson define genius? He defines it as possessing the confident belief that what is true for you is true for all people.

Considering this definition of genius, what does Emerson mean when he says that “the inmost in due time becomes the outmost”? Since the private or “inmost” truth we discover in our hearts is true for all men and women, it will eventually be “rendered back to us,” proclaimed, as an “outmost” or public truth.

Why, according to Emerson, do we value Moses, Plato, and Milton? We value them because they ignored the wisdom of the past (books and traditions) and spoke not what others thought but what they thought, the “inmost” truth they discovered in their own hearts. They are great because they transformed their “inmost” truth to “outmost” truth.

Thus far Emerson has said that we should seek truth by looking into our own hearts and that we, like such great thinkers as Moses, Plato, and Milton, should ignore what we find in books and in the learning of the past. What implications does his advice hold for education? It diminishes the importance of education and suggests that formal education may actually get in the way of our search for knowledge and truth.

Why then should we bother to study “great works of art” or even “Self-Reliance” for that matter? Because great works of art “teach us to abide by our spontaneous impressions.” And that is, of course, precisely what “Self-Reliance” is doing. Both they and this essay reassure us that our “latent convictions” are, indeed, “universal sense.” They strengthen our ability to maintain our individualism in the face of “the whole cry of voices” who oppose us “on the other side.”

Based on your reading of paragraph 1, how does Emerson define individualism? Support your answer with reference to specific sentences. Emerson defines individualism as a profound and unshakeable trust in one’s own intuitions. Just about any sentence from 4 through 11 could be cited as support.

Paragraph 34 (excerpt)

Note: Every good self-help guru offers advice on how to handle failure, and in the excerpt from paragraph 35 Dr. Ralph does that by describing his ideal of a self-reliant young man. Here we see Dr. Ralph at perhaps his most affirmative, telling his followers what self-reliance can do for them. Before he does that, however, he offers, in paragraph 34, his diagnosis of American society in 1841. The example of his “sturdy lad” in paragraph 35 suggests what self-reliance can do for society, a theme he picks up in paragraph 36.

What, according to Emerson, is wrong with the “social state” of America in 1841? Americans have become weak, shy, and fearful, an indication of its true problem: it is no longer capable of producing “great and perfect persons.”

Given the political context in which he wrote “Self-Reliance,” why might Emerson think that American society was no longer capable of producing “great and perfect persons”? In Emerson’s view, by giving power to the “mob,” Jacksonian democracy weakened American culture and gave rise to social and personal mediocrity.

Paragraph 35 (excerpt)

What does Emerson mean by “miscarry”? What context clues help us discover that meaning? Here “miscarry” means “to fail.” We can see that by noting the parallel structure of the first two sentences. Emerson parallels “miscarry” and “fails” by placing them in the same position in the first two sentences: “If our young men miscarry…” “If the young merchant fails,…”

What is the relationship between the young men who miscarry and the young merchants who fail in paragraph 35 and the “timorous, desponding whimperers” of paragraph 34? They are the same. The young failures illustrate the point Emerson makes in the previous paragraph about the weakness of America and its citizens.

According to Emerson, how does an “un-self-reliant” person respond to failure? He despairs and becomes weak. He loses “loses heart” and feels “ruined.” He falls into self-pity and complains for years.

Emerson structures this paragraph as a comparison between a “city doll” and a “sturdy lad.” With reference to paragraph 34 what does the “sturdy lad” represent? He represents the kind of person Emerson wants to create, the kind of person who will “renovate” America’s “life and social state.”

What are the connotations of “city doll”? The term suggests weakness with a hint of effeminacy.

Compare a “city doll” with a “sturdy lad.” City Doll: defeated by failure, urban, narrows his options by studying for a profession, learns from books, postpones life, lacks confidence and self-trust. Sturdy Lad: resilient, rural, at least expert in rural skills, “teams it, farms it”, realizes he has many options and takes advantage of them, learns from experience, engages life, possesses confidence, trusts himself.

What point does Emerson make with this comparison? Here Emerson is actually trying to persuade his readers to embrace his version of self-reliance. His comparison casts the “sturdy lad” in a positive light. We want to be like him, not like a “city doll.” Emerson suggests that, through the sort of men and women exemplified by the “sturdy lad,” self-reliance will rescue American life and society from weakness, despair, and defeat and restore its capacity for greatness.

What do you notice about the progression of the jobs Emerson assigns to his “sturdy lad”? They ascend in wealth, prestige, and influence from plow hand to member of Congress.

We have seen that Emerson hopes to raise above the mob people who will themselves be “great and perfect persons” and restore America’s ability to produce such people. What does the progression of jobs he assigns to the “sturdy lad” suggest about the roles these people will play in American society? As teachers, preachers, editors, congressmen, and land owners, they will be the leaders and opinion makers of American society. [1] If our young men miscarry in their first enterprises, they lose all heart. If the young merchant fails, men say he is ruined. [2] If the finest genius studies at one of our colleges, and is not installed in an office within one year afterwards in the cities or suburbs of Boston or New York, it seems to his friends and to himself that he is right in being disheartened, and in complaining the rest of his life. [3] A sturdy lad from New Hampshire or Vermont, who in turn tries all the professions, who teams it, farms it, peddles, keeps a school, preaches, edits a newspaper, goes to Congress, buys a township,* and so forth, in successive years, and always, like a cat, falls on his feet, is worth a hundred of these city dolls. [4] He walks abreast with his days, and feels no shame in not ‘studying a profession,’ for he does not postpone his life, but lives already. He has not one chance, but a hundred chances.

*Emerson does not mean that the “sturdy lad” would buy a town. He probably means that he would buy a large piece of uninhabited land (townships in New England were six miles square). The point here is that he would become a substantial landowner.

Paragraph 36

In a well organized essay explain what society would be like if everyone embraced Emerson’s idea of self-reliance. Your analysis should focus on Emerson’s attitudes toward law, the family, and education. Be sure to use specific examples from the text to support your argument.

Vocabulary Pop-Ups

• admonition: gentle, friendly criticism
• latent: hidden
• naught: ignored
• lustre: brightness
• firmament: sky
• bards: poets
• sages: wise men and women
• alienated: made unfamiliar by being separated from us
• else: otherwise
• sinew: connective tissues
• timorous: shy
• desponding: discouraging
• renovate: change
• miscarry: fail
• modes: styles
• speculative: theoretical
• Portrait of Ralph Waldo Emerson engraved and published by Stephen A. Schoff, Newtonville, Massachusetts, 1878, from an original drawing by Samuel W. Rowse [ca. 1858] in the possession of Charles Eliot Norton. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division, LC-DIG-pga-04133.
• Daguerreotype of Ralph Waldo Emerson, 4 x 5 black-and-white negative, creator unknown. Courtesy of the Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut.

National Humanities Center | 7 T.W. Alexander Drive, P.O. Box 12256 | Research Triangle Park, North Carolina 27709

Phone: (919) 549-0661 | Fax: (919) 990-8535 | nationalhumanitiescenter.org

Copyright 2010–2023 National Humanities Center. All rights reserved.

An official website of the United States government

The .gov means it’s official. Federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you’re on a federal government site.

The site is secure. The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely.

• Publications
• Account settings

Preview improvements coming to the PMC website in October 2024. Learn More or Try it out now .

• Advanced Search
• Journal List
• Front Psychol

Not All Forms of Independence Are Created Equal: Only Being Independent the “Right Way” Is Associated With Self-Esteem and Life Satisfaction

Daniela moza.

1 Department of Psychology, West University of Timişoara, Timișoara, Romania

Smaranda Ioana Lawrie

2 Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences, University of California Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, United States

Laurențiu P. Maricuțoiu

Alin gavreliuc, heejung s. kim, associated data.

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Past research has found a strong and positive association between the independent self-construal and life satisfaction, mediated through self-esteem, in both individualistic and collectivistic cultures. In Study 1, we collected data from four countries (the United States, Japan, Romania, and Hungary; N = 736) and replicated these findings in cultures which have received little attention in past research. In Study 2, we treated independence as a multifaceted construct and further examined its relationship with self-esteem and life satisfaction using samples from the United States and Romania ( N = 370). Different ways of being independent are associated with self-esteem and life satisfaction in the two cultures, suggesting that it is not independence as a global concept that predicts self-esteem and life satisfaction, but rather, feeling independent in culturally appropriate ways is a signal that one’s way of being fits in and is valued in one’s context.

Introduction

“The most incredible beauty and the most satisfying way of life come from affirming your own uniqueness.”

Jane Fonda, American actress

“What makes me happy? The fact that I carry my cross by myself.”

Ionut Caragea, Romanian author

A strong and positive association between the independent self-construal and life satisfaction, mediated by self-esteem, has been termed “a pancultural explanation for life satisfaction” ( Kwan et al., 1997 , p. 1038), because it held true in both individualistic and collectivistic cultures ( Kwan et al., 1997 ; Chang et al., 2011 ; Duan et al., 2013 ; Zhang, 2013 ; Yu et al., 2016 ). Life satisfaction, self-esteem, and self-construal are individually linked to a wide array of factors, but the idea of researching this particular “pancultural explanation” originated in the findings of an extensive cross-cultural study ( Diener and Diener, 1995 ), which showed a much stronger correlation between self-esteem and life satisfaction in individualistic cultures compared to collectivistic cultures. Subsequent studies established that the independent self-construal is a crucial, individual-level, cultural ingredient that seems to foster self-esteem universally in individuals ( Singelis et al., 1999 ) with further positive implications for life satisfaction across cultures ( Kwan et al., 1997 ). The independent self-construal (or independence) represents the tendency of individuals to define themselves by their unique configuration of internal attributes and to focus on discovering and expressing their distinct potential ( Markus and Kitayama, 1991 ). Independence is more strongly encouraged in individualistic cultures, whereas in collectivistic cultures, interdependence is more strongly encouraged ( Markus and Kitayama, 1991 ); however, members of both types of cultures have both types of self-construals ( Singelis, 1994 ), but only independence is associated with a stronger sense of self-worth and greater life satisfaction in both cultural settings ( Kwan et al., 1997 ). Based on such pancultural findings, independence has been conceptualized and measured as a unidimensional construct and assumed to be experienced and expressed in the same way across all cultures ( Singelis, 1994 ; Gudykunst et al., 1996 ). Recent approaches to the study of culture find, however, that both independence and interdependence, along with the related cultural dimensions of individualism and collectivism, are more varied than previously assumed and that different cultures favor different ways of being independent or interdependent (see Kusserow, 1999 ; Vignoles et al., 2016 ; Campos and Kim, 2017 ; Kim and Lawrie, 2019 ).

These new findings raise the question of whether or not there is any cultural diversity in the association between independence, self-esteem, and life satisfaction. If different shades of independence are valued, experienced, and expressed across cultures, it is possible that being independent in ways that are prescribed and valued by one’s culture is associated with increased self-esteem and thus further promotes life satisfaction, but being independent in ways that are not valued by one’s culture is not associated with increased self-esteem. The present research is an attempt to test explicitly whether or not different ways of being independent are more or less linked to self-esteem and, indirectly, to life satisfaction in different cultures.

The Independence — Life Satisfaction Link

There are two possible theoretical perspectives that can explain the association between independence, self-esteem, and life satisfaction. The first perspective is that independence as a unidimensional construct contributes to self-esteem and life satisfaction across different cultures. This has been the dominant assumption in previous research ( Heine et al., 1999 ). Empirical evidence showed that independence entails the selection of internal (as opposed to social) information in life-satisfaction judgments ( Suh et al., 2008 ), specifically information that promotes and enhances the self ( Heine et al., 1999 ; Lee et al., 2000 ; Rosopa et al., 2016 ) and fosters the agentic pursuit ( Wojciszke and Bialobrzeska, 2014 ) of independent hedonic goals ( Oishi and Diener, 2001 ). The self-esteem of highly independent individuals will therefore reflect their perceived success at achieving their independent, agentic, self-promoting, hedonic goals, and consequently, they would be more satisfied with life.

The second theoretical perspective is in line with research findings suggesting that people ascribe higher value to options (e.g., an object or an activity) that are compatible with their goal orientation because they feel “right” due to a high regulatory fit ( Higgins et al., 2003 ; Higgins, 2005 ). Similarly, fitting in with one’s culture, or experiencing a culture-person fit, has positive implications for self-esteem and well-being (e.g., Leary and Baumeister, 2000 ; De Leersnyder et al., 2015 ; Cho et al., 2018 ). According to this view, even if the overall link between the independent self and life satisfaction is robust across cultures, there may be cultural differences in the “right” way of being independent that lead to increased self-esteem. That is, if different ways of being independent are highlighted and emphasized in different cultures, then being independent in culturally appropriate ways should have positive implications for self-esteem and, indirectly, for life satisfaction. However, being independent in ways that are less emphasized in one’s culture (culturally inappropriate ways) should have few positive implications and possibly even some negative implications for self-esteem and, indirectly, for life satisfaction ( Pedrotti and Edwards, 2009 ; Ryder et al., 2011 ; De Leersnyder et al., 2014 , but see also Ward et al., 2004 ). Although arguing for the universal importance of cultural fit for self-esteem and life satisfaction, this perspective also allows room for cultural differences in the specific content and definition of independence that can bring about a sense of cultural fit.

Independence as a Multidimensional Concept

There are different ways to experience and exercise independence, and different cultures may emphasize different ways of being independent. For example, one may feel good about oneself when one stands out and experiences oneself as unique and different; alternatively, one may feel good about oneself when one does not have to rely on anyone else and can take care of oneself.

The classification of cultures based on the individualism-collectivism cultural dimensions ( Hofstede et al., 2010 ) and the independent-interdependent self-construal ( Markus and Kitayama, 1991 ) has provided the theoretical framework for a tremendous amount of research which, in the past several decades, has revealed that psychological processes, including emotions, motivations, and cognitions, are profoundly influenced by culture. Despite the great empirical utility of dividing cultures according to these binary cultural dimensions, this approach has also reduced the complexity and diversity of cultures to an oversimplified contrast between individualistic and collectivistic, independent and interdependent, and East and West. One way that this simple dichotomy between “independence” and “interdependence” has been maintained has been through the widespread use of the Singelis’s self-construal scale (1994), which measures the two dimensions as sperate and distinct constructs. This binary approach has remained the de-facto approach despite noteworthy efforts by several researchers to develop more nuanced cultural models of self, such as Gabriel and Gardner (1999) , Kashima and Hardie (2000) and Harb and Smith (2008) . However, interestingly, most of these models nuanced only interdependence and kept independence as a unitary dimension. A few models did acknowledge different aspects of the autonomy implied by independence (e.g., Singelis et al., 1995 ; Triandis and Gelfand, 1998 ; Kagitcibasi, 2005 ), but, in general, independence has been viewed as a monolithic concept in contrast to a more diversified view of interdependence. At the same time, research conducted looking at the different forms of interdependence demonstrates the value of finer-grained approaches to cultural constructs. Campos and Kim (2017) , for example, compared the types of collectivism found in East Asian and Latin American cultures. Although both cultural regions encourage an interdependent view of the self, how interdependence is maintained in relationships is quite different. Similarly, Vignoles et al. (2016) deconstructed both independence and interdependence into their constituent facets and developed a model that distinguishes between different ways of being independent and interdependent across seven different dimensions of functioning (e.g., making decisions, looking after oneself, and communicating with others). The seven dimensions are bipolar in nature, each having an independent pole and an interdependent pole. Initial application of the survey in over 30 countries showed that the seven dimensions did not cluster together into a higher-order dimension of independence and interdependence. Therefore, the conceptualization promoted by Singelis’s measure does not accurately and sufficiently characterize cultural variation in self-construal. Instead, as research by Vignoles et al. (2016) and others suggests, different ways of being independent and interdependent are valued in different cultures. In the current set of studies, we build and expand on this work, testing not only if there are different ways of being independent in different cultures but also if there are psychological implications associated with being or not being independent in ways prescribed by one’s culture.

Whereas previous studies have linked independence, as a unidimensional single factor construct, to self-esteem and life satisfaction, in the current studies, we examine the notion of independence to determine if different aspects of independence are associated with self-esteem and life satisfaction in different cultures. Previous studies found a pancultural explanation, but using a more nuanced approach, we predicted that more cultural differences would emerge. We suggest that it is not independence as a large global concept that predicts self-esteem and, indirectly, life satisfaction, but rather, feeling independent in culturally appropriate ways is a signal that one’s way of being oneself fits in and is valued in one’s context.

Overview of the Current Research

The current research is made up of two studies. In Study 1, we sought to confirm that the previously found relationship between the single-factor measure of independent self-construal typically used in the literature (i.e., Singelis, 1994 ), self-esteem, and life satisfaction would hold true in multiple cultures, even cultures that have previously received scant attention in empirical research.

In Study 2, we used Vignoles et al. (2016) model of self-construal to explore further the relationship between independence, self-esteem, and life satisfaction. Using samples from two cultures (the United States and Romania), we examined whether treating independence as a multifaceted construct would reveal considerable variability in the meaning of independence across cultures as well as the implications of different ways of being independent on psychological outcomes such as life satisfaction.

Study 1: The Relationship Between Unidimensional Independence, Self-Esteem, and Life Satisfaction in Four Cultures

The aim of Study 1 was to test the replicability of previous findings on the link between independence and life satisfaction, mediated by increased self-esteem ( Kwan et al., 1997 ) in cultures that have previously received little empirical attention. To this end, we collected data from three continents and four countries varying on the individualism vs. collectivism index ( Hofstede et al., 2010 ): the United States, 91; Hungary, 80; Japan, 46; and Romania, 30. In addition to the Western individualistic culture (the United States) and the East-Asian collectivistic culture, which have received considerable attention in previous culture research, we therefore included in our study two understudied Eastern European culture – one individualistic (Hungary) and one collectivistic (Romania). Both Hungary and Romania are ex-socialist countries and the socialist regimes strongly promoted collectivism. However, in Hungary, “individualism which was suppressed or kept under control surfaced itself with ‘double strength’ after the political changes when celebrating individualism became the norm ( Fülöp et al., 2019 , p. 86).” The research reviewed and conducted by Fülöp et al. (2019) suggests that Hungarians, both adults and adolescents, are characterized by high levels of independence. In Romania, instead, the struggle to shake off the legacies of the past regime lead to what Gavreliuc (2011) has termed “autarchic individualism,” a rather ambivalent culture, at the same time individualistic and collectivistic. Mixed results were obtained in various studies using measures of independence, some showing high levels of independence, others low or medium level of independence, irrespective of age ( Gavreliuc, 2012 ; see also David, 2015 ; Moza, 2018 for reviews). However, David (2015) concluded that a consistent tendency toward independence can be seen among the young and educated (i.e., students). Irrespective of actual levels of independence, independences still has a positive relationship with self-esteem and well-being as has been documented in previous literature. Therefore, we predicted that the relationship between independence and life satisfaction, mediated through self-esteem, would be culturally invariant.

Materials and Methods

Participants and procedure.

Participants were 736 undergraduate students, recruited via convenience sampling, from universities in the United States, Romania, Japan, and Hungary. They took part in the study for course credit. The sample consisted of 164 United States (72.6% females; M age = 20.17, SD age = 3.58), 199 Hungarian (86.4% females; M age = 23.83, SD age = 7.47), 277 Romanian (79.8% females; M age = 21.83, SD age = 4.80), and 96 Japanese (44.8% females; M age = 18.97, SD age = 1.03) students.

Independent and interdependent self-construals were measured with the popular Singelis (1994) self-construal scale. Fifteen items were used to measure the independent self-construal (e.g., I enjoy being unique and different from others in many respects) and 15 items were used to measure the interdependent self-construal (e.g., “I feel good when I cooperate with others”). Participants rated each item on a seven-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Higher scores indicated higher levels of independent self-construal ( α = 0.74 for the United States sample; α = 0.72 for the Hungarian sample; α = 0.74 for the Romanian sample, and α = 0.78 for the Japanese sample) and of interdependent self-construal ( α = 0.72 the United States sample; α = 0.88 for the Hungarian sample; α = 0.86 for the Romanian sample, and α = 0.71 for the Japanese sample).

Self-esteem was measured with the Rosenberg (1965) Self-Esteem Scale. The scale consists of 10 items (e.g., “I feel that I have a number of good qualities”). Participants rated each item on a four-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Higher scores indicated higher self-esteem ( α = 0.91 for the United States sample; α = 0.72 for the Hungarian sample; α = 0.86 for the Romanian sample, and α = 0.85 for the Japanese sample).

Life satisfaction was measured with the Satisfaction with Life Scale ( Diener et al., 1985 ). The scale consists of five items (e.g., I am satisfied with my life). Participants rated each item on a seven-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Higher scores indicated higher life satisfaction ( α = 0.90 for the United States sample; α = 0.82 for the Hungarian sample; α = 0.79 for the Romanian sample, and α = 0.85 for the Japanese sample).

Demographic information was obtained on age and gender. Subjective socioeconomic status was measured with the MacArthur pictorial scale ( Adler et al., 2000 ). Participants marked their rung in society compared to others in their environment.

Analytic Approach

Data analysis comprised of four distinct stages: (a) computing descriptive statistics, conducting correlation and ANOVA analyses; (b) performing multi-group SEM to test the mediation model shown in Figure 1 ; (c) performing bootstrap procedures to test the indirect effects in the mediation model; and (d) testing the invariance of the mediation model as well as post-hoc slope comparisons to determine the paths that were significantly different in the four samples.

The path model of the relationships between independent and interdependent self-construal, self-esteem, and life satisfaction in all four cultures. In this figure, the values shown are standardized path coefficients; the statistically significant coefficients are shown in bold. Continuous lines represent significant paths in at least one sample ( p < 0.05), whereas the interrupted line represents non-significant path ( p > 0.05). US, United States sample; HU, Hungarian sample; RO, Romanian sample; JP, Japanese sample.

Main analyses were performed using SEM in Amos 20 ( Arbuckle, 2011 ) and the maximum likelihood estimation method. Gender, age, and subjective socioeconomic status were included as covariates. All variables were identified as observed variables. We decided to include subjective socioeconomic status as a control variable due to its high correlations with both self-esteem (e.g., Twenge and Campbell, 2002 ) and life satisfaction (e.g., Anderson et al., 2012 ).

Structural models were evaluated using a constellation of goodness-of-fit indices as recommended by Hu and Bentler (1999) , namely the model chi-square, the Comparative Fit Index (CFI – values above 0.95 indicate good fit), the Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA – values below 0.06 indicate good fit), and the Standardized Root Mean-square Residual (SRMR – values below 0.08 indicate good fit).

To test the hypothesized mediating effects of self-esteem in the link between self-construals and life satisfaction in a SEM framework, we analyzed the indirect effects of self-construals on life satisfaction using bootstrap functions with 5,000 bootstrap samples and 95% confidence intervals. We used Zhao et al. (2010) mediation typology to distinguish between: (a) complimentary mediation where both the mediated and direct effect exist and point in the same direction, (b) competitive mediation where both mediated and direct effect exist but point in opposite directions, (c) indirect-only mediation where mediation exists but there is no direct effect (d) direct-only non-mediation where only a direct effect exists, and (e) no-effect non-mediation where neither direct nor indirect effect exist.

To test the invariance of the model within the multigroup modeling framework, we constrained the paths of the model to be equal across the four groups and compared this restricted model to a model in which the paths were freely estimated. We examined the change in χ 2 index when cross-group constraints were imposed on the model. In addition, we used ΔCFI as a comparative index, because Δ χ 2 can be affected by sample size ( Cheung and Rensvold, 2002 ). A significant Δ χ 2 and/or a value of ΔCFI smaller than or equal to −0.01 indicates that the fit of the restricted model was significantly worse than the fit of the nonrestricted model, in which case the paths of the model differ significantly across the four groups ( Cheung and Rensvold, 2002 ). The test of the differences between the four groups was performed by using the “Group Differences” tool within the “Stats Tools Package” ( Gaskin, 2016 ). A significant z -score indicated significant differences between the groups.

Measurement Invariance

Measurement invariance was tested in a structural equation modeling (SEM) framework using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). Specifically, we tested and established configural, metric, and scalar invariance of each of the three scales. We used the criteria suggested by Chen (2007) to evaluate model fit: ΔCFI smaller than −0.01, ΔRMSEA smaller than 0.015, and ΔSRMR smaller than 0.030. Initial confirmatory analyses yielded small values in the case of discrepancy indices (i.e., CFI and TLI), while fit indices based on residuals (i.e., RMSEA and SRMR) indicated good fit. Based on the conclusions formulated by Kenny et al. (2015) , we computed the RMSEA of the null model (i.e., nullRMSEA index) to investigate whether discrepancy indices are adequate for our confirmatory models. Kenny et al. (2015) concluded that discrepancy indices are not valid indicators of fit when the nullRMSEA index is too small (i.e., values below 0.158). The results of the tests of measurement invariance for the three scales in Study 1 are presented in Table 1 .

Tests of measurement invariance for the scales in Study 1.

N = 736; United States sample n = 164; Hungarian sample n = 199; Romanian sample n = 277; Japanese sample n = 96; ⱡ not valid indicators of fit when the nullRMSEA index is too small (i.e., values below 0.158, Kenny et al., 2015 ).

Descriptive statistics and the results of one-way ANOVA with post-hoc comparisons between the four cultural samples for the variables in the study are presented in Table 2 .

Results of one-way ANOVA with post-hoc comparisons between the four cultural groups for the variables in the Study 1 model.

IND SC, independent self-construal; INTER SC, interdependent self-construal; SE, self-esteem; LS, life satisfaction; US, American sample; HU, Hungarian sample; RO, Romanian sample; JP, Japanese sample; M, mean; SD, standard deviation; p , p value of the post hoc comparisons using the Hochberg’s GT2 test for independent self-construal and Games-Howell test for the other three. Levene’s test of homogeneity of variance for independent self-construal was not statistically significant; we therefore used so Hochberg’s GT2 test for post-hoc comparisons, because we had unequal groups and equal variances on this variable. For the other three variables, Levene’s test of homogeneity of variance was statistically significant; we considered them as having unequal variances and therefore used the Games-Howell test for post-hoc comparisons.

Table 3 presents the bivariate correlations between the variables in each cultural group.

Bivariate correlations between all variables in the study in all four cultural samples in Study 1.

SSES, subjective socio-economic status.

Based on the results of the preliminary analyses, we initially tested the model presented in Figure 1 without a path from interdependence to life satisfaction because the relationship was not statistically significant in any of the four cultures. The fit indices of this initial model were modest [ χ 2 (40) = 72.51, p = 0.001; CFI = 0.931; SRMR = 0.073, RMSEA = 0.033]. Next, we added an additional path from interdependence to life satisfaction in a second model based on both previous empirical findings (e.g., Kwan et al., 1997 ; Singelis et al., 1999 ) and on methodological recommendations ( Kline, 2016 ). This model (see Figure 1 ) showed improved fit over the initial model [ χ 2 (40) = 54.07, p = 0.068; CFI = 0.970; SRMR = 0.067, RMSEA = 0.022].

The model was not the same across our four cultures. The results of slope comparisons are shown in Table 4 .

Differences in the paths of the model between the four cultural samples in Study 1.

IND SC, independent self-construal; INTER SC, interdependent self-construal; SE, self-esteem; LS, life satisfaction; US, United States sample; HU, Hungarian sample; RO, Romanian sample; JP, Japanese sample; Epc, estimate path coefficient.

The relationship between self-esteem and life satisfaction was significantly stronger in the United States and Hungarian samples compared to the Romanian and Japanese samples. We found evidence for an indirect-only mediation between independent self-construal, self-esteem, and life satisfaction in all four samples. In other words, independent self-construal has no direct relationship with life satisfaction but only a relationship mediated by self-esteem. In addition, we found evidence for direct-only nonmediation in our United States sample, competitive mediation in our Hungarian sample, indirect-only mediation in our Romanian sample, and no-effect nonmediation in our Japanese sample. The direct, indirect, and total effects of independent and interdependent self-construals on life satisfaction in the four cultural samples are presented in Table 5 .

Direct, indirect, and total effects of independent and interdependent self-construals on life satisfaction in all four cultural samples in Study 1.

IND SC, independent self-construal; INTER SC, interdependent self-construal; B(SE) and β (SE) represent unstandardized (B) and standardized ( β ) coefficients followed by standard errors; C.I. are presented in square brackets and represent 95% bias corrected bootstrap confidence intervals; statistical significance (i.e., a bootstrap approximation obtained by constructing two-sided bias-corrected confidence intervals) is indicated by superscripts.

Study 1 results replicated previous findings ( Kwan et al., 1997 ; Chang et al., 2011 ; Duan et al., 2013 ; Yu et al., 2016 ), showing that unidimensional independence and life satisfaction are positively and indirectly related, by self-esteem mediating the relationship. A potential explanation of this mediation mechanism is provided by Markus and Kitayama (1991) , who argued that individuals’ own evaluation of their self-worth, which is strongly connected with their life satisfaction, is dependent on the cultural standards encompassed in their self-construal. Our results confirmed the invariance of this mediated relationship in individualistic and collectivistic cultures that have received little attention in past empirical research, such as Hungary and Romania, in addition to well-studied cultures such as the United States and Japan.

Study 2: Dissecting Independence—An Analysis of Aspects of Independence Associated With Self-Esteem and Life Satisfaction in the United States and Romania

In Study 2, we focused more in depth on two of the countries from Study 1 – the United States and Romania. In Study 1, we established that in both of these cultures, unidimensional independence predicts life satisfaction, and this is partially mediated through self-esteem. Our intent for Study 2 was to see if taking a more nuanced approach and using a new multidimensional measure of independence would illuminate differences between the two cultures.

Previous ethnographic research conducted with European-American parents in different socioeconomic stratums of New York City found that all of the American parents, regardless of family income, embraced an independent view of the self ( Kusserow, 1999 ), but independence meant something very different for lower- and higher-class families. For families of lower SES that had more daily struggle, independence was associated with being tough and self-reliant, but for families of higher SES, independence was associated with developing a unique sense of self. We expected these same types of results at the country level. Indeed, consistent with this theorizing, previous research has shown that in American culture, there is a strong emphasis on self-expression and personal uniqueness ( Kim and Markus, 1999 ; Kim and Sherman, 2007 ) to the extent that American individualism has been called “expressive individualism” ( Bellah et al., 1985 ). In Romanian culture, although uniqueness is also valued, other characteristics of hard independence, such as self-reliance, consistency, and self-direction are equally valued as uniqueness ( Gavreliuc and Ciobotă, 2013 ). Thus, we predicted that in Romania, a country that is poorer and has dealt with much more upheaval and uncertainty in its recent past (including the collapse of communism and a tumultuous transition to a democracy), aspects of independence that would be valued and associated with self-esteem and life satisfaction would be related to being tough and self-reliant. On the other hand, we expected that in the United States, a relatively wealthier and more stable environment, aspects of independence associated with being unique and standing out would be associated with self-esteem and life satisfaction.

Data was collected from a convenience sample of 370 participants. They were 203 Romanian and 167 undergraduate psychology students in the United States who received course credit or extra credit for participating in the study. In the Romanian sample, the mean age was 19.80 years ( SD = 1.41), 66.5% were females. In the United States sample, 11 participants were excluded from the analyses because they were not fully enculturated in the United States culture (i.e., they were born in another country and immigrated in the United States after they were 5 years old). The mean age of the remaining 156 participants included in the analyses was 18.71 years ( SD = 1.27), and 64.7% were females.

Independent and interdependent self-construals were measured with the 62-item version of the seven-factor self-construal scale recently developed by Vignoles et al. (2016) . Participants indicated the extent to which each of 62 items described them on a nine-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 9 (exactly). The scale includes seven sub-scales reflecting ways of viewing the self as independent of others or interdependent with others with respect to different domains of functioning. Specifically, (1) self-containment vs. connectedness to others with respect to experiencing the self (e.g., “Your happiness is independent from the happiness of your family”; α = 0.70 for the United States sample; α = 0.75 for the Romanian sample), (2) self-direction vs. receptiveness to influence with respect to making decisions (e.g., “You usually decide on your own actions, rather than follow others’ expectations”; α = 0.77 for the United States sample; α = 0.76 for the Romanian sample), (3) difference vs. similarity reflects the ways of viewing the self as independent vs. interdependent with respect to defining the self (e.g., “You see yourself as different from most people”; α = 0.83 for the United States sample; α = 0.76 the Romanian sample), (4) self-reliance vs. dependence on others with respect to looking after oneself (e.g., “You prefer to rely completely on yourself rather than depend on others”; α = 0.79 for the United States sample; α = 0.76 the Romanian sample), (5) consistency vs. variability with respect to moving between contexts (e.g., “You behave the same way at home and in public”; α = 0.89 for the United States sample; α = 0.81 for the Romanian sample), (6) self-expression vs. harmony with respect to communicating with others (e.g., “You prefer to say what you are thinking, even if it is inappropriate for the situation”; α = 0.78 for the United States sample; α = 0.74 for the Romanian sample), and (7) self-interest vs. commitment to others with respect to dealing with conflicting interests (e.g., “Your own success is very important to you, even if it disrupts your friendships”; α = 0.70 for the United States sample; α = 0.76 for the Romanian sample). Each sub-scale is composed of a certain number of items tapping the independent way of viewing the self and a number of items tapping the interdependent way. Items for both the independent pole and for the interdependent pole of each sub-scale were positively phrased, but conceptual reversals of each other (e.g., consistency: “You behave the same way at home and in public” vs. variability: “You see yourself differently in different social environments”). Items tapping the interdependent self-views were reverse coded. Higher scores on each dimension indicate a higher independent view of the self and lower scores a higher interdependent self-view.

As in Study 1, self-esteem was measured with Rosenberg (1965) Self-Esteem Scale ( α = 0.90 for the United States sample; α = 0.88 for the Romanian sample) and life satisfaction was measured with the Satisfaction with Life Scale ( Diener et al., 1985 ; α = 0.88 for the United States sample; α = 0.89 for the Romanian sample). Also, as in Study 1, we collected data on age, gender, and subjective socio-economic status.

The analytic approach was similar to the approach used in Study 1, except for the fact that the model we tested is based on seven-dimensional self-construal and includes only two samples.

Measurement invariance was tested in the same way as for the scales in Study 1. The results of the tests of measurement invariance for the three scales in Study 2 are presented in Table 6 . Both metric and scalar measurement invariance was achieved, allowing for cross-cultural comparisons using these measures.

Tests of measurement invariance for the scales in Study 2.

N = 359; United States sample n = 156; Romanian sample n = 203; ⱡ not valid indicators of fit when the nullRMSEA index is too small (i.e., values below 0.158, Kenny et al., 2015 ).

Descriptive statistics and the results of t -tests for differences between the United States and Romanian samples for the variables in the study are presented in Table 7 .

Means, SD, and t -tests for differences between the United States and Romanian samples for the variables in the Study 2.

US, American sample; RO, Romanian sample.

Table 8 presents the bivariate correlations between the variables in each sample.

Bivariate correlations between all variables in Study 2 by each culture.

The correlation coefficients of United States sample are presented on the top-right side of the diagonal; the correlation coefficients of Romanian sample are shown on the down-left side of the diagonal; Diff_Sim, Difference vs. Similarity; Cont_Conn, Self-containment vs. Connection to others; Dir_Rec, Self-direction vs. Receptiveness to influence; Rel_Dep, Self-reliance vs. Dependence on others; Exp_Har, Self-expression vs. Harmony; Int_Comm, Self-interest vs. Commitment to others; Cons_Var, Consistency vs. Variability; SSES, Subjective Socio-economic Status; Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for the United States sample are presented on the left side and for the Romanian sample, on the right side.

We initially built a path model, which included all the paths from the self-construal dimensions to self-esteem and to life satisfaction for which the correlations were statistically significant in at least one sample. This initial model also included all the significant correlations between the different self-construal dimensions. The model showed an excellent fit [ χ 2 = 30.74, df = 22, p = 101; CFI = 0.990; SRMR = 0.041; RMSEA = 0.033 CI 10% (0.000, 0.059)]; however, the direct paths from the self-construal dimensions of self-direction vs. receptiveness to influence and self-interest vs. commitment to others and self-esteem, and between the self-construal dimension of difference vs. similarity and life satisfaction were non-significant in both cultural groups and were thus removed in the subsequent model. The modified model ( Figure 2 ) had an excellent fit, slightly improved over the initial model [ χ 2 = 39.52, df = 32, p = 0.169; CFI = 0.991; SRMR = 0.040; RMSEA = 0.026 CI 10% (0.000, 0.049)]. As predicted, the model was different across cultures.

Path model of the relationships between self-construal dimensions, self-esteem, and life satisfaction. In this figure, the values shown are standardized path coefficients. The paths that were not statistically significant in at least one sample are not showed; the statistically significant coefficients are shown in bold; US, United States sample; RO, Romanian sample.

The differences in the paths of the model between the two cultural samples are shown in Figure 2 (see also Table 9 ).

Differences in the paths of the model between the two cultural samples in Study 2.

Epc, estimate path coefficient; z , the Z (Fisher) test.

Next, we tested the indirect effects of the self-construal dimensions on life satisfaction through self-esteem (indirect-only mediation, where mediation exists but there is no direct effect, Zhao et al., 2010 ). In the United States sample, two self-construal dimensions had statistically significant positive indirect effects on life satisfaction, namely difference vs. similarity [ B = 0.15(0.049), 95% CI (0.06, 0.25), p < 0.01; β = 0.15(0.049), 95% CI (0.06, 0.25), p < 0.01] and consistency vs. variability ( B = 0.10(0.039), 95% CI [0.03, 0.18], p < 0.01; β = 0.13(0.049), 95% CI [0.04, 0.33], p < 0.01). In the Romanian sample, there were three self-construal dimensions that had positive indirect effects on life satisfaction, namely self-reliance vs. dependence on others ( B = 0.09(0.039), 95% CI [0.01, 0.17], p < 0.05; β = 0.09(0.040), 95% CI [0.01, 0.17], p < 0.05), consistency vs. variability ( B = 0.14 (0.037), 95% CI [0.07, 0.22], p < 0.001; β = 0.16(0.042), 95% CI [0.09, 0.25], p < 0.001), and self-expression vs. harmony ( B = 0.09 (0.041), 95% CI [0.00, 0.17], p < 0.05; β = 0.09(0.041), 95% CI [0.00, 0.17], p < 0.05).

We then tested direct-only nonmediation, where only a direct effect exists between self-construal dimensions and life satisfaction, in each cultural sample. As shown in Figure 2 , four self-construal dimensions predicted life satisfaction directly. Only one of these dimensions predicted life satisfaction positively, and only in the United States sample, and that is self-expression vs. harmony [ B = 0.13(0.057), 95% CI (0.01, 0.24), p < 0.05; β = 0.13(0.058), 95% CI (0.01, 0.24), p < 0.05]. The other predictors were negative. This means that a higher level of the independent pole of a self-construal dimension was associated with lower life satisfaction, whereas a higher level of the interdependent pole of the same dimension was associated with higher life satisfaction. There was only one dimension that predicted life satisfaction similarly, and negatively, in both cultures, namely self-containment vs. connectedness to others [the United States sample: B = −0.16 (0.082), 95% CI (−0.32, −0.01), p < 0.05; β = −0.13(0.069), 95% CI (−0.27, −0.00), p < 0.05; Romanian sample: B = −0.14 (0.076), 95% CI (−0.30, −0.00), p < 0.05; β = −0.12(0.062), 95% CI [−0.24, −0.00], p < 0.05). The dimension self-direction vs. receptiveness to influence predicted life satisfaction negatively only in the United States sample [ B = −0.17 (0.067), 95% CI (−0.30, −0.03), p < 0.05; β = −0.16(0.063), 95% CI (−0.28, −0.03), p < 0.05]. The dimension self-interest vs. commitment to others predicted life satisfaction negatively only in the Romanian sample [ B = −0.21 (0.056), 95% CI (−0.31, −0.09), p = 0.001; β = −0.22(0.059), 95% CI (−0.32, −0.09), p = 0.001].

Study 2 provides initial evidence suggesting that there is more cultural diversity in the link between independence, self-esteem, and life satisfaction than previously thought. Interestingly, although the commonly used unidimensional measure of independence (i.e., Singelis, 1994 ) was a positive predictor of self-esteem and, indirectly, of life satisfaction in both Romania and the United States in Study 1, when using a more nuanced approach in Study 2, we found two sets of significant differences between the two cultural samples in the specific ways of being independent that are associated with self-esteem and life satisfaction. First, in the relationship between self-construal and self-esteem, there were significant differences at the level of two self-construal dimensions. The self-construal dimension linked to self-esteem in the United States sample, but not in the Romanian sample was difference vs. similarity, whereas the dimension linked to self-esteem in the Romanian sample, but not in the United States sample was self-reliance vs. dependence on others. These results are in line with previous research showing that for Americans, discovering and expressing personal uniqueness is a normative cultural task ( Kim and Markus, 1999 ; Kim and Sherman, 2007 ). For Romanians, instead, being self-reliant is normative, especially among young and educated adults ( Gavreliuc and Ciobotă, 2013 ) who increasingly tend to take their fate into their own hands in order to create a better life for themselves compared to their parents. For instance, Sandu (2010) has argued that the participation of Romanians in the massive wave of migration for better work opportunities has led to increased self-esteem among those who have managed to be self-reliant and improve their standards of living.

Second, in the relationship between self-construal and life satisfaction, there were differences at the level of two other self-construal dimensions. Specifically, the self-construal dimension linked to life satisfaction in the United States sample, but not in the Romanian sample was self-direction vs. receptiveness to influence, whereas the dimension linked to life satisfaction in the Romanian sample, but not in the United States sample, was self-interest vs. commitment to others. These relationships were negative, meaning that high self-direction in the United States and high self-interest in Romania were related to lower life satisfaction, whereas high receptiveness to influence in the United States and high commitment to others in Romania were related to higher life satisfaction. These were rather unexpected findings and not in line with previous findings for either American or Romanian cultures. However, previous research using the unidimensional model of self-construal found direct positive relationships between the interdependent self-construal and life satisfaction in both collectivistic and individualistic cultures (e.g., Hong Kong – Kwan et al., 1997 ; United States – Ross and Murdock, 2014 ). Our results suggest that in the same way that different ways of being independent are related to life satisfaction indirectly, through increased self-esteem, different ways of being interdependent can also be related directly to life satisfaction in different cultures.

General Discussion

Previous empirical work has found a positive association between the independent self-construal and life satisfaction, mediated through self-esteem in many different cultures. Based on this research, the assumption in the literature has long been that the relationship between independence and life satisfaction is mediated by self-esteem and is universally the same and cross-culturally invariant. Employing a commonly used unidimensional measure of independence (i.e., Singelis, 1994 ) in Study 1, we tested this assumption and replicated the findings in four different cultures, including Romania and Hungary, which have received scant attention in past research. In Study 2, however, using a more nuanced approach including Vignoles et al. (2016) newly developed seven-dimension self-construal model, we expected to find much more cultural variability in the association between independence, self-esteem, and life satisfaction. The results were in line with these expectations. In contrast with the culturally invariant model in Study 1, the model in Study 2 showed significant cultural differences in the relationship between two self-construal dimensions (i.e., difference vs. similarity – significant only in the United States sample; self-reliance vs. dependence on others – significant only in the Romanian sample) and self-esteem and in the relationship between two other self-construal dimensions and life satisfaction (i.e., self-direction vs. receptiveness to influence – significant only in the United States sample; self-interest vs. commitment to others – significant only in the Romanian sample).

Our two studies yielded three main sets of relevant findings. First, when measured unidimensionally, independence is linked to life satisfaction through self-esteem in both individualistic and collectivistic cultures. This finding suggests that there is a universal mechanism by which independence promotes life satisfaction by enhancing individuals’ sense of self-esteem. The second set of findings form out research, however, suggest that there are both common (e.g., consistency vs. variability in both the United States and Romania) and distinct ways of being independent that are valued across different cultures and associated with self-esteem and life satisfaction (e.g., difference vs. similarity in United States and self-reliance vs. dependence on others in Romania). A potential explanation for the relationships between self-construal dimensions and self-esteem that are common among different cultures is that they might be based on universal human motivations. For example, the finding that individuals who tend to behave in accordance with their self-concept and strive to keep their self-views intact (i.e., increased consistency) also have better evaluations of their self-worth (i.e., increased self-esteem) might be a universal rather than a culturally-specific association, because it underlies a basic human motivation ( Elliott, 1986 ; Suh, 2002 ). For instance, Church et al. (2014) found that consistency was positively related to well-being in both individualistic and collectivistic cultures. Another potential explanation is the existence of common cultural values and norms regarding appropriate ways of being independent ( Suh et al., 2008 ) in the cultures in which the same relationships between ways of being independent and self-esteem hold true. As a consequence, individuals possessing culturally appropriate ways of being independent would experience higher cultural fit, with positive effects on their sense of self-worth and, indirectly, on their life satisfaction ( Suh et al., 2008 ; Pedrotti and Edwards, 2009 ; Ryder et al., 2011 ; De Leersnyder et al., 2014 ). This same explanation can be applied to the findings that showed cultural differences in the relationship between self-construal and self-esteem, such as the positive relationship between difference vs. similarity and self-esteem in our United States sample and between self-reliance vs. dependence on others in our Romanian sample. Americans who view themselves as unique and different from others would experience a higher cultural fit and their sense of self-worth would be higher compared to Americans who view themselves as more similar to others. Similarly, Romanians who view themselves as more self-reliant would experience a higher cultural fit and would have a higher self-esteem compared to Romanians who view themselves as dependent on others. These findings are in line with research by Becker et al. (2014) which found that individuals across 20 cultural groups derived self-esteem mostly on the basis of values consistent with the priorities of their culture and less based on values they endorsed personally.

Finally, the third set of findings showed that in addition to the indirect relationship between independence and life satisfaction, mediated through self-esteem, there are also direct, mainly negative, relationships between ways of being independent and life satisfaction. These direct relationships may also be different in different cultures (e.g., self-direction in the United States and self-interest in Romania). A potential explanation for these findings is that each culture has relationship norms ( Suh et al., 2008 ; Kim and Lawrie, 2019 ) that individuals have to follow in order to act in culturally appropriate ways (e.g., being receptive to the influence of others or being committed to others). Individuals who act according to inner motivations that are contrary to these cultural norms for good relationships with others would be rejected by others and experience a diminished sense of belonging with detrimental consequences on life satisfaction ( Baumeister and Leary, 1995 ).

In addition to the main findings which were the result of testing the proposed mediation models in the two studies, there were also some unexpected findings resulting from the comparison of the specific cultural samples included in the current studies. For example, the Romanian sample scored higher on life satisfaction compared to the other four cultural samples under investigation. This was surprising given that Romania typically has some of the lowest subjective well-being scores on international surveys [e.g., Eurofound (2013) reported that Romania lies second from the bottom out of 27 EU countries on overall well-being]. However, our results are in line with those obtained by Krys et al. (2020) , where the scores of the Romanian sample were exceeded only by four of the 50 cultures included in the study. One explanation for these striking results could be that in both our sample, and the sample included in the Krys et al. (2020) study, were composed of university students, whereas the national samples include participants of all ages. Recent research by Lawrie et al. (2020) showed a negative relationship between age and life satisfaction in Romania. Therefore, it is possible that younger samples might experience a reference effect such that they are comparing themselves to considerably unhappier older individuals. Another surprising and unexpected finding was that the American sample in Study 1 had the highest interdependence scores among our four cultural samples. Similarly, the United States sample in Study 2 scored higher on the interdependent poles of six of the seven dimensions of self-construal. A potential explanation is offered by Markus (2017) , who suggests that high interdependence can be found in Americans who are working-class and/or people of color. Our American student samples were mixed in terms of both race/ethnicity and social class so it is possible that their high scores on interdependence are due to the specific characteristics of the sample under investigation.

Overall, our findings suggest that by conceptualizing independence as a broad global concept, much of the subtle ways in which culture impacts psychological processes may be ignored. It appears that being independent in the ways prescribed by one’s culture, that is, being independent the right way, signals that one belongs and fits in with one’s cultural group, and this cultural fit may be one of the keys to self-esteem and life satisfaction. The current studies are the first to show not only that independence varies across the two cultures under investigation (i.e., the United States and Romania), but that there are also different psychological implications associated with being independent in different ways.

Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

There are some limitations in the current studies that could be addressed in future research. First, both studies relied on student samples from a limited number of cultures. Yet different ways of being independent are likely to be associated with self-esteem and life satisfaction in different non-student samples. As previous research suggested, generations are specific types of cultures ( Moss and Martins, 2014 ); therefore, our results might not be the generalized to samples of older adults. Building on the findings of this research regarding the cultural variability in these associations, future studies might therefore test them in both student and nonstudent samples from a wider array of cultural regions. Second, the current research is cross-sectional in nature and, although the mediation models we tested suggest a specific direction of the associations (i.e., from self-construal dimensions to self-esteem and, further, to life satisfaction), only longitudinal designs such as the one employed by Moza et al. (2019) could inform correctly on their directionality. Moreover, future studies might test experimentally the causality of the relationships in the model, informing potential interventions to boost life satisfaction in people from various cultures.

Data Availability Statement

Ethics statement.

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by ethics committees of West University of Timișoara and of University of California, Santa Barbara, respectively. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

DM and SL share equal first authorship of this article. All authors jointly developed the ideas presented in this article. DM, SL, AG, and HK designed the studies and collected the data. Data were analyzed by DM, SL, and LM. DM, SL, HK, and LM drafted the article. All authors provided critical revisions, and all authors approved the final version of the manuscript for submission.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Funding. The work carried out for this paper by DM received financial support from “Entrepreneurial Education and Professional Counseling for Social and Human Sciences PhD and Postdoctoral Researchers to ensure knowledge transfer” (ATRiUM) Project, co-financed from European Social Fund through Human Capital Programme 2014–2020, POCU/380/6/13/123343.

• Adler N. E., Epel E. S., Castellazzo G., Ickovics J. R. (2000). Relationship of subjective and objective social status with psychological and physiological functioning: preliminary data in healthy, white women . Health Psychol. 19 , 586–592. 10.1037/0278-6133.19.6.586, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Anderson C., Kraus M. W., Galinsky A. D., Keltner D. (2012). The local-ladder effect: social status and subjective well-being . Psychol. Sci. 23 , 764–771. 10.1177/0956797611434537, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Arbuckle J. L. (2011). Amos (Version 20.0) [Computer software]. IBM SPSS.
• Baumeister R. F., Leary M. R. (1995). The need to belong: desire for interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation . Psychol. Bull. 117 , 497–529. 10.1037/0033-2909.117.3.497, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Becker M., Vignoles V. L., Owe E., Easterbrook M. J., Brown R., Smith P. B., et al.. (2014). Cultural bases for self-evaluation: seeing oneself positively in different cultural contexts . Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 40 , 657–675. 10.1177/0146167214522836, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Bellah R. N., Madsen R., Sullivan W., Swidler A., Tipton S. M. (1985). Habits of the heart: Middle America observed. California: University of California Press. [ Google Scholar ]
• Campos B., Kim H. S. (2017). Incorporating the cultural diversity of family and close relationships into the study of health . Am. Psychol. 72 , 543–554. 10.1037/amp0000122, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Chang W. C., Osman M. M. B., Tong E. M. W., Tan D. (2011). Self-construal and subjective wellbeing in two ethnic communities in Singapore . Psychology 2 , 63–70. 10.4236/psych.2011.22011 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Chen F. F. (2007). Sensitivity of goodness of fit indexes to lack of measurement invariance . Struct. Equ. Modeling 14 , 464–504. 10.1080/10705510701301834 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Cheung G. W., Rensvold R. B. (2002). Evaluating goodness-of-fit indexes for testing measurement invariance . Struct. Equ. Modeling 9 , 233–255. 10.1207/S15328007SEM0902_5 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Cho S., Doren N. V., Minnick M. R., Albohn D. N., Adams R. B., Jr., Soto J. A. (2018). Culture moderates the relationship between emotional fit and collective aspects of well-being , Front. Psychol. 9 :1509. 10.3389/fpsyg.2018.01509, PMID: [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Church A. T., Katigbak M. S., Ibáñez-Reyes J., de Jesús Vargas-Flores J., Curtis G. J., Tanaka-Matsumi J., et al. (2014). Relating self-concept consistency to hedonic and eudaimonic well-being in eight cultures . J. Cross Cult. Psychol. 45 , 695–712. 10.1177/0022022114527347 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• David D. (2015). Psihologia poporului roman. Profilul psihologic al românilor într-o monografie cognitiv-experimentală. (The Psychology of the Romanians: the psychological profile of the Romanians in a cognitive-experimental monograph). Polirom.
• De Leersnyder J., Kim H., Mesquita B. (2015). Feeling right is feeling good: psychological well-being and emotional fit with culture in autonomy-versus relatedness-promoting situations . Front. Psychol. 6 :630. 10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00630, PMID: [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• De Leersnyder J., Mesquita B., Kim H., Eom K., Choi H. (2014). Emotional fit with culture: a predictor of individual differences in relational well-being . Emotion 14 :241. 10.1037/a0035296, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Diener E., Diener M. (1995). Cross-cultural correlates of life satisfaction and self-esteem . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 68 , 653–663. 10.1037/0022-3514.68.4.653, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Diener E., Emmons R. A., Larsen R. J., Griffin S. (1985). The satisfaction with life scale . J. Pers. Assess. 49 , 71–75. 10.1207/s15327752jpa4901_13 [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Duan Y., Lu K., Ren X. (2013). Self and well-being: relational harmony and self-esteem as mediators . Chin. J. Clin. Psych. 21 , 317–319. [ Google Scholar ]
• Elliott G. C. (1986). Self-esteem and self-consistency: a theoretical and empirical link between two primary motivations . Soc. Psychol. Q. 49 , 207–218. 10.2307/2786803 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Eurofound (2013). Third European quality of life survey – Quality of life in Europe: Subjective well-being. Publications Office of the European Union.
• Fülöp M., Ivaskevics K., Varga B. A., Sebestyén N. (2019). Rebound effect, fast adaptation to social change or cultural continuity among two generations of hungarians . Acta de investigación psicológica 9 , 79–89. 10.22201/fpsi.20074719e.2019.3.324 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Gabriel S., Gardner W. L. (1999). Are there “his” and “hers” types of interdependence? The implications of gender differences in collective versus relational interdependence for affect, behavior, and cognition . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 77 , 642–655. 10.1037/0022-3514.77.3.642, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Gaskin J. (2016). “Group differences” stats tools package. Available at: http://statwiki.kolobkreations.com/ (Accessed October 31, 2018).
• Gavreliuc A. (2011). Româniile din România. Individualism autarhic, tipare valorice transgeneraţionale şi autism social. (Romanias from Romania. Autarchic individualism, transgenerational value patterns and social autism). Timişoara: West University Press.
• Gavreliuc A. (2012). Continuity and change of values and attitudes in generational cohorts of postcommunist Romania . Cogn. Brain Behav. 14 , 191–212. [ Google Scholar ]
• Gavreliuc A., Ciobotă C. I. (2013). Culture and self-construal: implications for the social cognitions of young cohorts in Romania . Procedia. Soc. Behav. Sci. 78 , 270–274. 10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.04.293 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Gudykunst W. B., Matsumoto Y., Ting-Toomey S., Nishida T., Kim K., Heyman S. (1996). The influence of cultural individualism collectivism, self construals, and individual values on communication styles across cultures . Hum. Commun. Res. 22 , 510–543. 10.1111/j.1468-2958.1996.tb00377.x [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Harb C., Smith P. B. (2008). Self-construals across cultures: beyond independence-interdependence . J. Cross Cult. Psychol. 39 , 178–197. 10.1177/0022022107313861 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Heine S. J., Lehman D. R., Markus H. R., Kitayama S. (1999). Is there a universal need for positive self-regard? Psychol. Rev. 106 , 766–794. 10.1037/0033-295X.106.4.766, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Higgins E. T. (2005). Value from regulatory fit . Curr. Dir. Psychol. Sci. 14 , 209–213. 10.1111/j.0963-7214.2005.00366.x [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Higgins E. T., Idson L. C., Freitas A. L., Spiegel S., Molden D. C. (2003). Transfer of value from fit . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 84 :1140. 10.1037/0022-3514.84.6.1140, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Hofstede G., Hofstede G. J., Minkov M. (2010). Cultures and organizations: Software of the mind. 3rd. Edn New York: McGraw-Hill. [ Google Scholar ]
• Hu L., Bentler P. M. (1999). Cutoff criteria for fit indexes in covariance structure analysis: conventional criteria versus new alternatives . Struct. Equ. Modeling 6 , 1–55. 10.1080/10705519909540118 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Kagitcibasi C. (2005). Autonomy and relatedness in cultural context: implications for self and family . J. Cross Cult. Psychol. 36 , 403–422. 10.1177/0022022105275959 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Kashima E. S., Hardie E. A. (2000). The development and validation of the relational, individual, and collective self-aspects (RIC) scale . Asian J Soc Psychol 3 , 19–48. 10.1111/1467-839X.00053 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Kenny D. A., Kaniskan B., McCoach D. B. (2015). The performance of RMSEA in models with small degrees of freedom . Sociol. Methods Res. 44 , 486–507. 10.1177/0049124114543236 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Kim H. S., Lawrie S. I. (2019). “ Culture and motivation ” in Handbook of cultural psychology. 2nd Edn. eds. Cohen D., Kitayama S. (New York: Guilford Press; ), 268–291. [ Google Scholar ]
• Kim H., Markus H. R. (1999). Deviance or uniqueness, harmony or conformity? A cultural analysis . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 77 :785. 10.1037/0022-3514.77.4.785 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Kim H. S., Sherman D. K. (2007). “Express yourself”: culture and the effect of self-expression on choice . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 92 , 1–11. 10.1037/0022-3514.92.1.1 [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Kline R. B. (2016). Principles and practice of structural equation modeling. 4th Edn. New York: Guilford Press. [ Google Scholar ]
• Krys K., Park J., Kocimska-Zych A., Kosiarczyk A., Selim H. A., Wojtczuk-Turek A., et al. (2020). Personal life satisfaction as a measure of societal happiness is an individualistic presumption: evidence from fifty countries . J. Happiness Stud. 10.1007/s10902-020-00311-y [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Kusserow A. S. (1999). De-homogenizing American individualism: socializing hard and soft individualism in Manhattan and Queens . Ethos 27 , 210–234. 10.1525/eth.1999.27.2.210 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Kwan V. S. Y., Bond M. H., Singelis T. M. (1997). Pancultural explanations for life satisfaction: adding relationship harmony to self-esteem . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 73 , 1038–1051. 10.1037/0022-3514.73.5.1038, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Lawrie S. I., Eom K., Moza D., Gavreliuc A., Kim H. S. (2020). Cultural variability in the association between age and well-being: the role of uncertainty avoidance . Psychol. Sci. 31 , 51–64. 10.1177/0956797619887348, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Leary M. R., Baumeister R. F. (2000). “ The nature and function of self-esteem: sociometer theory ” in Advances in experimental social psychology. Vol. 32 ed. Zanna M. P. (New York: Academic Press; ), 1–62. [ Google Scholar ]
• Lee A. Y., Aaker J. L., Gardner W. L. (2000). The pleasures and pains of distinct self-construals: the role of interdependence in regulatory focus . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 78 , 1122–1134. 10.1037/0022-3514.78.6.1122, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Markus H. R. (2017). American = independent? Perspect. Psychol. Sci. 12 , 855–866. 10.1177/1745691617718799, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Markus H. R., Kitayama S. (1991). Culture and the self: implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation . Psychol. Rev. 98 , 224–253. 10.1037/0033-295X.98.2.224 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Moss M., Martins N. (2014). Generational sub-cultures: generation Y a sub-culture? Mediterr. J. Soc. Sci. 5 , 147–160. 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n21p147 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Moza D. (2018). “ Cultural bases of individual happiness ” in A collection of cross-cultural empirical studies. Timișoara: Editura Universității de Vest. [ Google Scholar ]
• Moza D., Maricuțoiu L., Gavreliuc A. (2019). Cross-lagged relationships between self-esteem, self-construal, and happiness in a three-wave longitudinal study . J. Individ. Differ. 40 , 177–185. 10.1027/1614-0001/a000290 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Oishi S., Diener E. (2001). Goals, culture, and subjective well-being . Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 27 , 1674–1682. 10.1177/01461672012712010 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Pedrotti J. T., Edwards L. M. (2009). “ Positive psychology within a cultural context ” in Oxford library of psychology. Oxford handbook of positive psychology. eds. Lopez S. J., Snyder C. R. (Oxford: Oxford University Press; ), 49–57. [ Google Scholar ]
• Rosenberg M. (1965). Society and the adolescent self-image. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. [ Google Scholar ]
• Rosopa P. J., Datu J. A. D., Robertson S. A., Atkinson T. P. (2016). Core self-evaluations and subjective well-being in the U.S. and the Philippines: the moderating role of self-construal . Scand. J. Psychol. 57 , 50–56. 10.1111/sjop.12265 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Ross A. S., Murdock N. L. (2014). Differentiation of self and well-being: the moderating effect of self-construal . Contemp. Fam. Ther. 36 , 485–496. 10.1007/s10591-014-9311-9 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Ryder A. G., Ban L. M., Chentsova-Dutton Y. E. (2011). Towards a cultural-clinical psychology . Soc. Personal. Psychol. Compass 5 , 960–975. 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00404.x [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Sandu D. (2010). Lumile sociale ale migrației românești. (Social worlds of Romanian migrations). Iași: Polirom. [ Google Scholar ]
• Singelis T. M. (1994). The measurement of independent and interdependent self-construals . Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 20 , 580–591. 10.1177/0146167294205014 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Singelis T. M., Bond M. H., Sharkey W. F., Lai C. S. Y. (1999). Unpacking culture’s influence on self-esteem and embarrassability . J. Cross Cult. Psychol. 30 , 315–341. 10.1177/0022022199030003003 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Singelis T. M., Triandis H. C., Bhawuk D., Gelfand M. J. (1995). Horizontal and vertical dimensions of individualism and collectivism: a theoretical and measurement refinement . Cross Cult Res 29 , 240–275. 10.1177/106939719502900302 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Suh E. M. (2002). Culture, identity consistency, and subjective well-being . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 83 , 1378–1391. 10.1037/0022-3514.83.6.1378, PMID: [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Suh E. M., Diener E. D., Updegraff J. A. (2008). From culture to priming conditions: self-construal influences on life satisfaction judgments . J. Cross Cult. Psychol. 39 , 3–15. 10.1177/0022022107311769 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Triandis H. C., Gelfand M. J. (1998). Converging measurement of horizontal and vertical individualism and collectivism . J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 74 , 118–128. 10.1037/0022-3514.74.1.118 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Twenge J. M., Campbell W. K. (2002). Self-esteem and socioeconomic status: a meta-analytic review . Pers. Soc. Psychol. Rev. 6 , 59–71. 10.1207/S15327957PSPR0601_3 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Vignoles V. L., Owe E., Becker M., Smith P. B., Easterbrook M. J., Brown R., et al. (2016). Beyond the ‘east–west’ dichotomy: global variation in cultural models of selfhood . J. Exp. Psychol. Gen. 145 , 966–1000. 10.1037/xge0000175 [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Ward C., Leong C. H., Low M. (2004). Personality and sojourner adjustment: an exploration of the big five and the cultural fit proposition . J. Cross Cult. Psychol. 35 , 137–151. 10.1037/a0035296 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Wojciszke B., Bialobrzeska O. (2014). Agency versus communion as predictors of self-esteem: searching for the role of culture and self-construal . Pol. Psychol. Bull. 45 , 469–479. 10.2478/ppb-2014-0057 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Yu X., Zhou Z., Fan G., Yu Y., Peng J. (2016). Collective and individual self-esteem mediate the effect of self-construals on subjective well-being of undergraduate students in China . Appl. Res. Qual. Life 11 , 209–219. 10.1007/s11482-014-9362-y [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Zhang R. (2013). The relationship between self-construal and subjective well-being in middle school students . Chin. J. Clin. Psych. 21 , 1017–1021. [ Google Scholar ]
• Zhao X., Lynch J. G., Jr, Chen Q. (2010). Reconsidering Baron and Kenny: Myths and truths about mediation analysis . J. Consum. Res. 37 , 197–206. 10.1086/651257 [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]

• Relationships

Interdependence: The Key to Healthy Relationships

What is interdependence and how is it healthier than codependence.

Posted July 14, 2024 | Reviewed by Jessica Schrader

• Why Relationships Matter
• Take our Relationship Satisfaction Test
• Find a therapist to strengthen relationships
• Mutual support: partners provide emotional, practical, and spiritual nourishment.
• Shared decision-making: collaborative problem-solving reflects mutual respect.
• Emotional intimacy: vulnerability deepens emotional connections between individuals.

While independence is often championed as a hallmark of strength and autonomy, its excessive pursuit can sometimes lead to isolation and detachment. Conversely, codependence can result in an unhealthy over-reliance on others, compromising personal growth and well-being. Interdependence, however, emerges as a beacon of healthy relational dynamics, fostering mutual support and growth. Let's explore these concepts, emphasizing the virtues of interdependence, the pitfalls of excessive independence, and the challenges of codependence, along with recent research findings.

Interdependence: Nurturing Healthy Bonds

Interdependence represents the delicate dance of mutual reliance and support within relationships. Unlike the notion of rugged independence, interdependence acknowledges the inherent interconnectedness of individuals and celebrates the strength found in collaboration . In interdependent relationships, partners embrace their vulnerabilities, share responsibilities, and draw strength from each other's unique qualities. Through open communication and genuine reciprocity, they cultivate a sense of belonging and unity while maintaining their individual identities.

Key Characteristics of Interdependence:

• Mutual Support: Partners lean on each other for emotional, practical, and spiritual nourishment.
• Shared Decision-Making : Collaborative problem-solving and decision-making reflect mutual respect.
• Emotional Intimacy : Vulnerability deepens emotional connections between individuals.
• Healthy Boundaries : Respectful interactions and empathy strengthen relationships.

Recent research underscores the importance of social connections for well-being. Studies have shown that social connectedness positively impacts mental and physical health, enhancing feelings of happiness and reducing stress levels. For instance, the Harvard Study of Adult Development found that close relationships are key to health and happiness, acting as a buffer against life's challenges and reducing the risk of chronic stress and related health issues​ ( Harvard Gazette )​​ ( Frontiers )​.

Independence: A Lonelier Path

Independence, when pursued to an extreme, can morph into a solitary journey marked by self-sufficiency at the expense of meaningful connection. While autonomy is undoubtedly valuable, an excessive focus on independence may lead to emotional detachment and an unwillingness to seek support from others. In this paradigm, individuals may erect walls around their hearts, fearing vulnerability and relying solely on their own resources to navigate life's challenges. However, this solitary stance often breeds loneliness and prevents the deep bonds that arise from shared experiences and mutual reliance.

Key Characteristics of Excessive Independence:

• Emotional Detachment: Individuals may struggle to express feelings or seek comfort from others.
• Isolation: Excessive independence can lead to social withdrawal and limited connections.
• Stifled Growth: Lack of external input can hinder personal development.
• Fear of Vulnerability: Maintaining a facade of strength can block authentic relationships.

Codependence: The Pitfalls of Over-Reliance

On the other end of the spectrum lies codependence, where the balance tips towards excessive reliance on another person, often at the expense of one's own needs and identity . Codependent relationships are characterized by an unhealthy level of dependency, where one or both partners may struggle with self-esteem and find their sense of worth primarily through the other person. This dynamic can lead to enabling behaviors, where one partner's over-reliance stifles both individuals' growth and well-being.

Key Characteristics of Codependence:

• Lack of Boundaries: Codependence blurs personal boundaries, losing individuality.
• Over-Responsibility: One partner may feel overly responsible for the other's emotions.
• Low Self-Esteem: Self-worth depends on partner's approval, leading to fragile identity.
• Fear of Abandonment: Fear of rejection drives clingy and controlling behaviors.

Embracing Healthy Interdependence

In a world that often glorifies individualism, it's crucial to recognize the inherent value of interdependence in fostering rich and meaningful relationships. While independence has its merits, and codependence presents significant challenges, it's within the embrace of interdependence that true connection and fulfillment are found. By cultivating a balance between autonomy and interconnectedness, individuals can navigate relationships with grace, vulnerability, and a deep appreciation for the beauty of shared experiences. In doing so, they pave the way for authentic connections that celebrate both individuality and mutual support.

Recent studies highlight that social neuroscience has provided deeper insights into how social connectedness affects our brain and overall well-being. For instance, functional MRI studies have shown that social acceptance and connectedness activate reward systems in the brain, enhancing feelings of happiness and satisfaction​ ( Frontiers )​. This reinforces the idea that healthy, interdependent relationships are crucial for mental and physical health.

Frontiers in Psychiatry, 23 February 2023, Sec. Social Neuroscience, Volume 14 - 2023 ? https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2023/02/work-out-daily-ok-but-ho…

Cara Gardenswartz, Ph.D., founded Group Therapy LA and Group Therapy NY, a psychology practice offering comprehensive care for individuals, couples, children, and groups. She earned her B.A. from the University of Pennsylvania and holds a Doctorate in Psychology from UCLA.

• Find a Therapist
• Find a Treatment Center
• Find a Psychiatrist
• Find a Support Group
• Find Online Therapy
• United States
• Brooklyn, NY
• Chicago, IL
• Houston, TX
• Los Angeles, CA
• New York, NY
• Portland, OR
• San Diego, CA
• San Francisco, CA
• Seattle, WA
• Washington, DC
• Asperger's
• Bipolar Disorder
• Chronic Pain
• Eating Disorders
• Passive Aggression
• Personality
• Goal Setting
• Positive Psychology
• Stopping Smoking
• Low Sexual Desire
• Child Development
• Self Tests NEW
• Therapy Center
• Diagnosis Dictionary
• Types of Therapy

Sticking up for yourself is no easy task. But there are concrete skills you can use to hone your assertiveness and advocate for yourself.

• Emotional Intelligence
• Gaslighting
• Affective Forecasting
• Neuroscience

Chapter 13 Introductory Essay: 1945-1960

Written by: patrick allitt, emory university, by the end of this section, you will:.

• Explain the context for societal change from 1945 to 1960
• Explain the extent to which the events of the period from 1945 to 1960 reshaped national identity

Introduction

World War II ended in 1945. The United States and the Soviet Union had cooperated to defeat Nazi Germany, but they mistrusted each other. Joseph Stalin, the Soviet dictator, believed the Americans had waited too long before launching the D-Day invasion of France in 1944, leaving his people to bear the full brunt of the German war machine. It was true that Soviet casualties were more than 20 million, whereas American casualties in all theaters of war were fewer than half a million.

On the other hand, Harry Truman, Franklin Roosevelt’s vice president, who had become president after Roosevelt’s death in April 1945, believed Stalin had betrayed a promise made to Roosevelt at the  Yalta summit  in February 1945. That promise was to permit all the nations of Europe to become independent and self-governing at the war’s end. Instead, Stalin installed Soviet  puppet governments  in Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Hungary, and Bulgaria, the parts of Europe his armies had recaptured from the Nazis.

These tensions between the two countries set the stage for the Cold War that came to dominate foreign and domestic policy during the postwar era. The world’s two superpowers turned from allies into ideological and strategic enemies as they struggled to protect and spread their systems around the world, while at the same time developing arsenals of nuclear weapons that could destroy it. Domestically, the United States emerged from the war as the world’s unchallenged economic powerhouse and enjoyed great prosperity from pent-up consumer demand and industrial dominance. Americans generally supported preserving the New Deal welfare state and the postwar anti-communist crusade. While millions of white middle-class Americans moved to settle down in the suburbs, African Americans had fought a war against racism abroad and were prepared to challenge it at home.

The Truman Doctrine and the Cold War

Journalists nicknamed the deteriorating relationship between the two great powers a “ cold war ,” and the name stuck. In the short run, America possessed the great advantage of being the only possessor of nuclear weapons as a result of the Manhattan Project. It had used two of them against the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki to end the war in the Far East, with destructive power so fearsome it deterred Soviet aggression. But after nearly four years of war, Truman was reluctant to risk a future conflict. Instead, with congressional support, he pledged to keep American forces in Europe to prevent any more Soviet advances. This was the “ Truman Doctrine ,” a dramatic contrast with the American decision after World War I to withdraw from European affairs. (See the  Harry S. Truman, “Truman Doctrine” Address, March 1947   Primary Source.)

President Harry Truman pictured here in his official presidential portrait pledged to counter Soviet geopolitical expansion with his “Truman Doctrine.”

The National Security Act, passed by Congress in 1947, reorganized the relationship between the military forces and the government. It created the National Security Council (NSC), the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the office of Secretary of Defense. The Air Force, previously a branch of the U.S. Army, now became independent, a reflection of its new importance in an era of nuclear weapons. Eventually, NSC-68, a secret memorandum from 1950, was used to authorize large increases in American military strength and aid to its allies, aiming to ensure a high degree of readiness for war against the Soviet Union.

What made the Soviet Union tick? George Kennan, an American diplomat at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow who knew the Soviets as well as anyone in American government, wrote an influential article titled “The Sources of Soviet Conduct.” Originally sent from Moscow as a long telegram, it was later published in the journal  Foreign Affairs  under the byline “X” and impressed nearly all senior American policy makers in Washington, DC. The Soviets, said Kennan, believed capitalism and communism could not coexist and that they would be perpetually at war until one was destroyed. According to Kennan, the Soviets believed communism was destined to dominate the world. They were disciplined and patient, however, and understood “the logic of force.” Therefore, said Kennan, the United States must be equally patient, keeping watch everywhere to “contain” the threat.

Containment  became the guiding principle of U.S. anti-Soviet policy, under which the United States deployed military, economic, and cultural resources to halt Soviet expansion. In 1948, the United States gave more than $12 billion to Western Europe to relieve suffering and help rebuild and integrate the economies through the Marshall Plan. The Europeans would thus not turn to communism in their desperation and America would promote mutual prosperity through trade. The Berlin crisis of 1948–1949 was the policy’s first great test. (See the  George Kennan (“Mr. X”), “Sources of Soviet Conduct,” July 1947  Primary Source.)

Berlin, jointly occupied by the major powers, lay inside Soviet-dominated East Germany, but access roads led to it from the West. In June 1948, Soviet forces cut these roads, hoping the Americans would permit the whole of Berlin to fall into the Soviet sphere rather than risk war. Truman and his advisors, recognizing the symbolic importance of Berlin but reluctant to fire the first shot, responded by having supplies flown into West Berlin, using aircraft that had dropped bombs on Berlin just three years earlier. Grateful Berliners called them the “raisin bombers” in tribute to one of the foods they brought.

After 11 months, recognizing their plan had failed, the Soviets relented. West Berlin remained part of West Germany, making the first test of containment a success. On the other hand, the United States was powerless to prevent a complete Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia, whose government had shown some elements of independence from Moscow’s direction. (See  The Berlin Airlift  Narrative.)

Alarm about the Czech situation hastened the American decision to begin re-arming West Germany, where an imperfect and incomplete process of “de-Nazification” had taken place. The United States also supervised the creation in 1949 of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), an alliance of Western nations to forestall Soviet aggression in central Europe. The U.S. government also continued research on and development of new and more powerful nuclear weapons. Americans were dismayed to learn, in 1949, that the Soviets had successfully tested an atomic bomb of their own, greatly facilitated by information provided by Soviet spies. Europe and much of the world were divided between the world’s two superpowers and their allies.

U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson along with the foreign ministers of Canada and 10 European nations gathered to sign the North Atlantic Treaty on April 4 1949 founding NATO.

Postwar Uncertainty

The postwar years were politically volatile ones all over the world, due to widespread decolonization. Britain, though allied with the United States during World War II, had been weakened by the conflict and could no longer dominate its remote colonies. The British Empire was shrinking drastically, and this made the Truman Doctrine all the more necessary. In 1947, an economically desperate Britain reluctantly granted India and Pakistan the independence their citizens had sought for years. Britain’s African colonies gained independence in the 1950s and early 1960s. The United States and the Soviet Union each struggled to win over the former British colonies to their own ideological side of the Cold War. (See the  Who Was Responsible for Starting the Cold War?  Point-Counterpoint and  Winston Churchill, “Sinews of Peace,” March 1946  Primary Source.)

Israel came into existence on May 14, 1948, on land that had been a British-controlled  mandate  since the end of World War I. The Zionist movement, founded in the 1890s by Austro-Hungarian journalist Theodore Herzl, had encouraged European Jews to immigrate to Palestine. There, they would buy land, become farmers, and eventually create a Jewish state. Tens of thousands, indeed, had migrated there and prospered between 1900 and 1945. Widespread sympathy for the Jews, six million of whom had been exterminated in the Nazi Holocaust, prompted the new United Nations to authorize the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. From the very beginning, these two states were at war, with all the neighboring Arab states uniting to threaten Israel’s survival. President Truman supported Israel, however, and in the ensuing decades, most American politicians, and virtually all the American Jewish population, supported and strengthened it.

In 1949, a decades-long era of chaos, conquest, and revolution in China ended with the triumph of Mao Zedong, leader of a Communist army. Against him, America had backed Chiang Kai-Shek, the Chinese Nationalist leader, whose defeated forces fled to the offshore island of Taiwan. American anti-communist politicians in Washington, DC, pointed to the growing “red” (Communist) areas of the map as evidence that communism was winning the struggle for the world. Domestically, Truman and the Democrats endured charges that they had “lost” China to communism.

War in Korea

Korea, one of the many parts of Asia that Japan had conquered in the earlier twentieth century but then lost in 1945, was now partitioned into a pro-Communist North and an anti-Communist South. In June 1950, the Truman administration was taken by surprise when North Korea attacked the South, overpowering its army and forcing the survivors back into a small area of the country’s southeast, the Pusan perimeter. Truman and his advisors quickly concluded they should apply the containment principle to Asia and procured a resolution of support from the United Nations, which was unanimous because the Soviet representatives were not present in the Security Council during the vote. See the  Truman Intervenes in Korea  Decision Point.)

U.S. troops were sent to Korea shortly after Truman’s decision to apply containment to the region. Pictured is a U.S. gun crew near the Kum River in July 1950.

An American invasion force led by General Douglas MacArthur thus made a daring counterattack, landing at Inchon, near Seoul on the west coast of the Korean peninsula, on September 15, 1950. At once, this attack turned the tables in the war, forcing the North Koreans into retreat. Rather than simply restore the old boundary, however, MacArthur’s force advanced deep into North Korea, ultimately approaching the Chinese border. At this point, in October 1950, Mao Zedong sent tens of thousands of Chinese Communist soldiers into the conflict on the side of North Korea. They turned the tide of the war once again, forcing the American forces to fall back in disarray.

After a brutal winter of hard fighting in Korea, the front lines stabilized around the  38th parallel . MacArthur, already a hero of World War II in the Pacific, had burnished his reputation at Inchon. In April 1951, however, he crossed the line in civil-military relations that bars soldiers from dabbling in politics by publicly criticizing one of President Truman’s strategic decisions not to expand the war against the Chinese. MacArthur was so popular in America, he had come to think the rules no longer applied to him, but they did. Truman fired him with no hesitation, replacing him with the equally competent but less egotistical General Matthew Ridgway. The war dragged on in a stalemate. Only in 1953, after the inauguration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, was a truce declared between the two Koreas. It has held uneasily ever since. (See  The Korean War and The Battle of Chosin Reservoir  Narrative.)

Prosperity and the Baby Boom

The late 1940s and early 1950s were paradoxical. They were years of great geopolitical stress, danger, and upheaval, yet they were also a time of prosperity and opportunity for millions of ordinary American citizens. Far more babies were born each year than in the 1930s, resulting in the large “ baby boom ” generation. Millions of new houses were built to meet a need accumulated over the long years of the Great Depression and the war. Suburbs expanded around every city, creating far better and less-crowded living conditions than ever before. Levittown housing developments were just one example of the planned communities with mass-produced homes across the country that made homeownership within the reach of many, though mostly white families, thanks to cheap loans for returning veterans (See the  Levittown Videos, 1947–1957  Primary Source). Wages and living standards increased, and more American consumers found they could afford their own homes, cars, refrigerators, air conditioners, and even television sets—TV was then a new and exciting technology. The entire nation breathed a sigh of relief on discovering that peace did not bring a return of depression-era conditions and widespread unemployment. (See  The Sound of the Suburbs  Lesson.)

Television became a staple in U.S. households during the 1940s and 1950s.

Full employment during the war years had strengthened trade unions, but for patriotic reasons, nearly all industrial workers had cooperated with their employers. Now that the war was over, a rash of strikes for better pay and working conditions broke out. In 1945, Truman expanded presidential power by seizing coal mines, arguing it was in the national interest because coal supplied electricity. He then forced the United Mine Workers to end their strike the following year.

Although coal miners won their demands, the power of organized labor waned over the next few decades. Republican members of Congress, whose party had triumphed in the 1946 mid-term elections, passed the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947, aiming to curb the power of unions by banning the closed shop, allowing states to protect the right to work outside the union, setting regulations to limit labor strikes and excluding supporters of the Communist Party and other social radicals from their leadership. Truman vetoed the act, but Congress overrode the veto. In 1952, Truman attempted to again seize a key industry and forestall a strike among steelworkers. However, the Supreme Court decided in  Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer  (1952) that Truman lacked the constitutional authority to seize private property, and steelworkers won significant concessions.

Watch this BRI AP U.S. History Exam Study Guide about the Post-WWII Boom: Transition to a Consumer Economy to explore the post-World War II economic boom in the United States and its impacts on society.

Joseph McCarthy and the Red Scare

Fear of communism, not only abroad but at home, was one of the postwar era’s great obsessions. Ever since the Russian Revolution of 1917, a small and dedicated American Communist Party had aimed to overthrow capitalism and create a Communist America. Briefly popular during the crisis of the Great Depression and again when Stalin was an American ally in World War II, the party shrank during the early Cold War years. Rising politicians like the young California congressman Richard Nixon nevertheless discovered that anti-Communism was a useful issue for gaining visibility. Nixon helped win publicity for the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC), whose hearings urged former communists to expose their old comrades in the name of national security, especially in government and Hollywood. In 1947, President Truman issued Executive Order No. 9835, establishing loyalty boards investigating the communist sympathies of 2.5 million federal employees. (See  The Postwar Red Scare  and the  Cold War Spy Cases  Narratives.)

The most unscrupulous anti-communist was Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (R-WI), who used fear of communism as a powerful political issue during the early Cold War. He made reckless allegations that the government was riddled with communists and their sympathizers, even including Secretary of State George Marshall. Intimidating all critics by accusing them of being part of a great communist conspiracy, McCarthy finally overplayed his hand in publicly televised hearings by accusing the U.S. Army of knowingly harboring communists among its senior officers. The Senate censured him in December 1954, after which his influence evaporated, but for four years, he had been one of the most important figures in American political life. Although he was correct that the Soviets had spies in the U.S. government, McCarthy created a climate of fear and ruined the lives of innocent people for his own political gain during what became known as the “Second Red Scare.” (See the  McCarthyism DBQ  Lesson.)

Senator Joseph McCarthy (left) is pictured with his lawyer Roy Cohn during the 1950s McCarthy-Army clash.

Be sure to check out this  BRI Homework Help video about The Rise and Fall of Joseph McCarthy  to learn more about Joseph McCarthy and his battle against communists in the U.S. government.

Several highly publicized spy cases commanded national attention. Klaus Fuchs and other scientists with detailed knowledge of the Manhattan Project were caught passing nuclear secrets to the Soviet Union. In 1950, Alger Hiss was prosecuted for perjury before Congress and accused of sharing State Department documents with the Soviets. Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were tried for espionage in 1951 and executed two years later. Julius was convicted of running a spy ring associated with selling atomic secrets to the Russians, though the case against Ethel’s direct involvement was thinner.

From Truman to Eisenhower

After the 1946 midterm election, in which Republicans won a majority in the House and the Senate, the Democratic President Truman struggled to advance his domestic program, called the Fair Deal in an echo of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. For instance, Truman was the first American president to propose a system of universal health care, but the Republican Congress voted it down because they opposed the cost and regulations associated with the government program and called it “socialized medicine.” Truman did succeed in other areas. He was able to encourage Congress to pass the Employment Act of 1946, committing the government to ensuring full employment. By executive order, he desegregated the American armed forces and commissioned a report on African American civil rights. He thus played an important role in helping advance the early growth of the civil rights movement.

Truman seemed certain to lose his re-election bid in 1948. The Republicans had an attractive candidate in Thomas Dewey, and Truman’s own Democratic Party was splintering three ways. Former Vice President Henry Wallace led a Progressive breakaway, advocating a less confrontational approach to the Cold War. Strom Thurmond, a South Carolina senator, led the southern “Dixiecrat” breakaway by opposing any breach in racial segregation. The  Chicago Daily Tribune  was so sure Dewey would win that it prematurely printed its front page with the headline “Dewey Defeats Truman.” One of the most famous photographs in the history of American journalism shows Truman, who had upset the pollsters by winning, holding a copy of this newspaper aloft and grinning broadly.

President Truman is pictured here holding the Chicago Daily Tribune with its inaccurate 1948 headline.

Four years later, exhausted by Korea and the fierce stresses of the early Cold War, Truman declined to run for another term. Both parties hoped to attract the popular Supreme Allied commander, Dwight D. Eisenhower, to be their candidate. He accepted the Republicans’ invitation, defeated Adlai Stevenson in November 1952, and won against the same rival again in 1956.

Rather than roll back the New Deal, which had greatly increased the size and reach of the federal government since 1933, Eisenhower accepted most of it as a permanent part of the system, in line with his philosophy of “Modern Republicanism.” He worked with Congress to balance the budget but signed bills for the expansion of Social Security and unemployment benefits, a national highway system, federal aid to education, and the creation of National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA). In foreign policy, he recognized that for the foreseeable future, the Cold War was here to stay and that each side’s possession of nuclear weapons deterred an attack by the other. The two sides’ nuclear arsenals escalated during the 1950s, soon reaching a condition known as “ mutually assured destruction ,” which carried the ominous acronym MAD and would supposedly prevent a nuclear war.

At the same time, Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles supported the “New Look” foreign policy, which increased reliance on nuclear weapons rather than the more flexible but costly buildup of conventional armed forces. Despite the Cold War consensus about containment, Eisenhower did not send troops when the Vietnamese defeated the French in Vietnam; when mainland China bombed the Taiwanese islands of Quemoy and Matsu; when the British, French, and Egypt fought over the Suez Canal in 1956; or when the Soviets cracked down on Hungary. Instead, Eisenhower assumed financial responsibility for the French war effort in Vietnam and sent hundreds of military advisers there over the next several years. (See the  Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address, January 1961  Primary Source.)

Birth of the Civil Rights Movement

Encouraged by early signs of a change in national racial policy and by the Supreme Court’s decision in  Brown v. Board of Education  (1954) , African American organizations intensified their efforts to challenge southern segregation. Martin Luther King Jr., then a spellbinding young preacher in Montgomery, Alabama, led a Montgomery bus boycott that began in December 1955. Inspired by the refusal of Rosa Parks to give up her seat on a city bus, African Americans refused to ride Montgomery’s buses unless the company abandoned its policy of forcing them to ride at the back and to give up their seats to whites when the bus was crowded. After a year, the boycott succeeded. King went on to create the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), which practiced nonviolent resistance as a tactic, attracting press attention, embarrassing the agents of segregation, and promoting racial integration. (See the  Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Montgomery Bus Boycott  Narrative and the  Rosa Parks’s Account of the Montgomery Bus Boycott (Radio Interview), April 1956  Primary Source.)

In 1957, Congress passed the first federal protection of civil rights since Reconstruction and empowered the federal government to protect black voting rights. However, the bill was watered down and did not lead to significant change. In August, black students tried to attend high school in Little Rock, Arkansas, but were blocked by National Guard troops. Over the next few weeks, angry crowds assembled and threatened these students. President Eisenhower decided to send in federal troops to protect the nine black students. In the postwar era, African Americans won some victories in the fight for equality, but many southern whites began a campaign of massive resistance to that goal.

Check out this BRI Homework Help video about Brown v. Board of Education to learn more about the details of the case.

Thus, the pace of school desegregation across the south remained very slow. White southerners in Congress promised massive resistance to the policy. When it came to the point, however, only one county, Prince Edward County, Virginia, actually closed down its public schools rather than permit them to be desegregated. Other districts, gradually and reluctantly, eventually undertook integration, but widespread discrimination persisted, especially in the South.

Mexican Americans, like African Americans, suffered from racial discrimination. Under the  bracero  program, inaugurated during the 1940s, Mexicans were permitted to enter the United States temporarily to work, mainly as farm laborers in the western states, but they too were treated by whites as second-class citizens. They were guest workers, and the program was not intended to put them on a path to U.S. citizenship. (See  The Little Rock Nine  Narrative.)

Pictured are Mexican workers waiting to gain legal employment and enter the United States as part of the “ bracero ” program begun in the 1940s.

The Space Race

The desegregation of schools was only one aspect of public concern about education in the 1950s. The Soviet Union launched an artificial orbiting satellite, “Sputnik,” in 1957 and ignited the “ Space Race .” Most Americans were horrified, understanding that a rocket able to carry a satellite into space could also carry a warhead to the United States. Congress reacted by passing the National Defense Education Act in August 1958, devoting $1 billion of federal funds to education in science, engineering, and technology in the hope of improving the nation’s scientific talent pool.

NASA had been created earlier that same year to coordinate programs related to rocketry and space travel. NASA managed to catch up with the Soviet space program in the ensuing years and later triumphed by placing the first person on the moon in 1969. Better space rockets meant better military missiles. NASA programs also stimulated useful technological discoveries in materials, navigation, and computers. (See the  Sputnik and NASA  Narrative and the  Was Federal Spending on the Space Race Justified?  Point-Counterpoint.)

Another major initiative, also defense related, of the Eisenhower years was the decision to build the interstate highway system. As a young officer just after World War I, Eisenhower had been part of an Army truck convoy that attempted to cross the United States. Terrible roads meant that the convoy took 62 days, with many breakdowns and 21 injuries to the soldiers, an experience Eisenhower never forgot. He had also been impressed by the high quality of Germany’s autobahns near the war’s end. A comprehensive national system across the United States would permit military convoys to move quickly and efficiently. Commerce, the trucking industry, and tourism would benefit too, a belief borne out over the next 35 years while the system was built; it was declared finished in 1992. See  The National Highway Act  Narrative and the  Nam Paik,  Electronic Superhighway , 1995  Primary Source.)

New Roles for Women

American women, especially in the large and growing middle class, were in a paradoxical situation in the 1950s. In one sense, they were the most materially privileged generation of women in world history, wealthier than any predecessors. More had gained college education than ever before, and millions were marrying young, raising their children with advice from Dr. Spock’s best-selling  Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care  (1946), and enjoying labor-saving domestic devices and modern conveniences like washing machines, toasters, and electric ovens. Affluence meant many middle-class women were driving cars of their own. This  1950s advertisement for Ford automobiles  persuaded women to become a “two Ford family.” At the same time, however, some suffered various forms of depression and anxiety, seeking counseling, often medicating themselves, and feeling a lack of purpose in their lives.

This situation was noticed by Betty Friedan, a popular journalist in the 1950s whose book  The Feminine Mystique , published in 1963, helped ignite the new feminist movement. Its principal claim was that in America in the 1950s, women lacked fulfilling careers of their own, and material abundance was no substitute. (See the  Dr. Benjamin Spock and the Baby Boom  Narrative.) A feminist movement emerged in the 1960s and 1970s seeking greater equality. In the postwar period, however, not all women shared the same experiences. Millions of working-class and poor women of all races continued to work in factories, retail, domestic, or offices as they had before and during the war. Whether married or single, these women generally did not share in the postwar affluence enjoyed by middle-class, mostly white, women who were in the vanguard of the feminist movement for equal rights for women.

By 1960, the United States was, without question, in a superior position to its great rival the Soviet Union—richer, stronger, healthier, better fed, much freer, and much more powerful. Nevertheless Eisenhower, in his farewell address, warned against the dangers of an overdeveloped “military-industrial complex,” in which American traditions of democracy, decentralization, and civilian control would be swallowed up by the demands of the defense industry and a large, governmental national security apparatus. He had no easy remedies to offer and remained acutely aware that the Cold War continued to threaten the future of the world.

Timeline of events in the postwar period from 1945 to 1960.

Additional Chapter Resources

• Eleanor Roosevelt and the United Nations Narrative
• The G.I. Bill Narrative
• Jackie Robinson Narrative
• The Murder of Emmett Till Narrative
• The Nixon-Khrushchev Kitchen Debate Narrative
• William F. Buckley Jr. and the Conservative Movement Narrative
• Truman Fires General Douglas MacArthur Decision Point
• Eisenhower and the Suez Canal Crisis Point-Counterpoint
• Richard Nixon “Checkers” Speech September 1952 Primary Source
• Critics of Postwar Culture: Jack Kerouac On the Road (Excerpts) 1957 Primary Source
• Kennedy vs. Nixon: TV and Politics Lesson

Review Questions

1. The major deterrent to Soviet aggression in Europe immediately after World War II was

• that the Soviets lost 20 million people during the war
• the Truman Doctrine
• the United States’ possession of atomic power
• the presence of U.S. troops in western Europe after World War II was over

2. Why did the United States maintain large armed forces in Europe after World War II?

• To stop renewed German aggression
• To halt Soviet aggression despite the wartime alliance
• To help the British relinquish their empire
• To maintain high levels of employment at home

3. The memorandum NSC-68 authorized

• the formation of the CIA
• the creation of the Department of Defense
• increases in the size of U.S. military forces
• the formation of an independent air force

4. The United States’ first successful application of its policy of containment occurred in

• Prague Czechoslovakia
• Moscow U.S.S.R.
• Berlin Germany
• Bombay India

5. During the late 1940s the Truman Administration supported all the following countries except

• Republic of Korea
• People’s Republic of China

6. When North Korea invaded South Korea the Truman Administration resolved to apply which strategy?

• The Truman Doctrine
• Containment
• A plan similar to the Berlin Airlift
• The bracero program

7. Events in which European country led the United States to allow the re-arming of West Germany?

• East Germany
• Czechoslovakia

8. The Taft-Hartley Act was most likely passed as a result of

• fear of labor involvement in radical politics and activities
• concern that strong labor unions could rekindle a depression
• fear that labor would restrict the freedom of workers
• desire to make the labor strike illegal

9. Why was it reasonable to expect Truman to lose the presidential election of 1948?

• McCarthyism was creating widespread dislike of the Democratic Party.
• Truman had been unable to win the Korean War.
• The Democratic Party split into three rival branches including one dedicated to racial segregation.
• The Democrats had controlled Congress since 1933.

10. Why were many middle-class women dissatisfied with their lives in the 1950s?

• They were excluded from most career opportunities.
• The cost of living was too high.
• Fear of losing their traditional roles caused them constant anxiety.
• They opposed the early civil rights movement.

11. All the following were Cold War based initiatives by the Eisenhower Administration except

• the creation of NASA
• the National Defense Highway Act
• the National Defense Education Act
• the Taft-Hartley Act

12. Anti-communist crusader Senator Joseph McCarthy overplayed his advantage in the Red Scare when he

• claimed members of the president’s Cabinet were known communists
• charged Martin Luther King Jr. with being a communist
• asserted the U.S. Army knowingly protected known communists in its leadership
• hinted that President Eisenhower could be a communist

13. As a presidential candidate Dwight Eisenhower recognized the significance of all the following except

• the success of some New Deal programs
• the Cold War’s impact on U.S. foreign policy
• racial integration
• mutually assured destruction (MAD)

14. Which of the following statements most accurately describes the United States’ foreign policy during 1945-1960?

• The United States distanced itself from the global free-market economy.
• The United States based its foreign policy on unilateral decision-making.
• The Cold War was based on military policy only.
• The United States formed military alliances in reaction to the Soviet Union’s aggression.

15. Betty Friedan gained prominence by

• supporting women’s traditional role at home
• promoting the child-rearing ideas of Dr. Benjamin Spock
• researching and writing about the unfulfilling domestic role of educated women
• encouraging more women to attend college

16. Before leaving the office of the presidency Dwight D. Eisenhower warned the nation of the danger of

• falling behind in the space race
• having fewer nuclear weapons than the Soviet Union
• allowing the growth of the military-industrial complex
• overlooking communists within the federal government

Free Response Questions

• Explain President Harry Truman’s reaction to the Taft-Hartley Act.
• Describe President Truman’s role in advancing civil rights.
• Describe Dwight D. Eisenhower’s reaction to the New Deal programs still in existence when he was elected president.
• Explain the main reason for the United States’ military participation in Korea.

AP Practice Questions

Political cartoon by Clifford Berryman regarding civil rights and the 1948 election.

1. The main topic of public debate at the time this political cartoon was published was the

• deployment of U.S. troops in Korea
• dropping of the atomic bomb on Japan
• integration of the U.S. military

2. Which of the following groups would most likely support the sentiments expressed in the political cartoon?

• Progressives who argued for prohibition
• William Lloyd Garrison and like-minded abolitionists
• Antebellum reformers in favor of free public education
• Members of the America First Committee

“It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence. Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East. We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400 0 000 for the period ending June 30 1948.”

President Harry S. Truman The Truman Doctrine Speech March 12 1947

3. President Truman’s speech was most likely intended to increase the public’s awareness of

• rising tensions over oil reserves in the Middle East
• the Cold War and the struggle against Communism in Europe
• the United States’ need for access to the Black Sea
• the need to rebuild Europe after World War II

4. The immediate outcome of the event described in the excerpt was that

• the United States unilaterally rebuilt Europe
• worldwide freedom of the seas was guaranteed for all nations
• the United States’ foreign policy of containment was successfully implemented
• Europe was not as vital to U.S. interests as initially believed

5. Based on the ideas in the excerpt which of the following observations of U.S. foreign policy in the post World War II years is true?

• The United States was making a major shift in foreign policy from its stance after World War I.
• More people opposed the idea of U.S. involvement in world affairs.
• A majority believed that U.S. foreign policy was being dictated by the United Nations.
• The United States needed to reassert the “Good Neighbor Policy” but with a focus on Europe.

“Women especially educated women such as you have a unique opportunity to influence us man and boy and to play a direct part in the unfolding drama of our free society. But I am told that nowadays the young wife or mother is short of time for the subtle arts that things are not what they used to be; that once immersed in the very pressing and particular problems of domesticity many women feel frustrated and far apart from the great issues and stirring debates for which their education has given them understanding and relish. . . . There is often a sense of contraction of closing horizons and lost opportunities. They had hoped to play their part in the crisis of the age. . . . The point is that . . . women “never had it so good” as you do. And in spite of the difficulties of domesticity you have a way to participate actively in the crisis in addition to keeping yourself and those about you straight on the difference between means and ends mind and spirit reason and emotion . . . In modern America the home is not the boundary of a woman’s life. . . . But even more important is the fact surely that what you have learned and can learn will fit you for the primary task of making homes and whole human beings in whom the rational values of freedom tolerance charity and free inquiry can take root.”

Adlai Stevenson “A Purpose for Modern Women” from his Commencement Address at Smith College 1955

6. Which of the following best mirrors the sentiments expressed by Adlai Stevenson in the provided excerpt?

• Women should be prepared to return to a more traditional role in society.
• The ideals espoused by Republican Motherhood should be upheld.
• The United States would not have won World War II if women had not worked in factories.
• Women had the opportunity to influence the next generation of citizens.

7. The reference that “many women feel frustrated and far apart from the great issues and stirring debates for which their education has given them understanding and relish” is a reference to the ideas espoused by

• Martin Luther King Jr.
• Betty Friedan
• Dr. Benjamin Spock

Primary Sources

Eisenhower Dwight D. “Eisenhower’s Farewell Address to the Nation.” http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm

Eisenhower Dwight D. “Interstate Highway System.” Eisenhower proposes the interstate highway system to Congress. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/special-message-the-congress-regarding-national-highway-program

“‘Enemies from Within’: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy’s Accusations of Disloyalty.” McCarthy’s speech in Wheeling West Virginia. http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/6456

Friedan Betty. The Feminine Mystique . New York: W. W. Norton 1963.

Hamilton Shane and Sarah Phillips. Kitchen Debate and Cold War Consumer Politics: A Brief History with Documents . Boston: Bedford Books 2014.

Kennan George F. American Diplomacy . New York: Signet/Penguin Publishing 1952.

King Martin Luther Jr. “(1955) Martin Luther King Jr. ‘The Montgomery Bus Boycott.'” http://www.blackpast.org/1955-martin-luther-king-jr-montgomery-bus-boycott

King Martin Luther Jr. Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story . New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers 1958.

MacLean Nancy. American Women’s Movement 1945-2000: A Brief History with Documents . Boston: Bedford Books 2009.

Marshall George C. “The ‘Marshall Plan’ speech at Harvard University 5 June 1947.” http://www.oecd.org/general/themarshallplanspeechatharvarduniversity5june1947.htm

Martin Waldo E. Jr. Brown v. Board of Education: A Brief History with Documents . Boston: Bedford Books 1998.

Schrecker Ellen W. The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents . Boston: Bedford Books 2016.

Story Ronald and Bruce Laurie. Rise of Conservatism in America 1945-2000: A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford Books 2008.

Truman Harry. “A Report to the National Security Council – NSC 68 April 12 1950.” https://www.trumanlibrary.gov/library/research-files/report-national-security-council-nsc-68

Truman Harry. “The Fateful Hour (1947)” speech. http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/harrystrumantrumandoctrine.html

Suggested Resources

Ambrose Stephen and Douglas Brinkley. Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy since 1938. Ninth ed. New York: Penguin 2010.

Branch Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954-63 . New York: Simon and Schuster 1988.

Brands H.W. American Dreams: The United States Since 1945 . New York: Penguin 2010.

Brands H.W. The General vs. the President: MacArthur and Truman at the Brink of Nuclear War . New York: Anchor 2016.

Cadbury Deborah. Space Race: The Epic Battle Between American and the Soviet Union for Dominion of Space. New York: Harper 2007.

Cohen Lizabeth A. A Consumers’ Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America . New York: Vintage 2003.

Coontz Stephanie. The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap . New York: Basic Books 2016.

Dallek Robert. Harry S. Truman . New York: Times Books 2008.

Diggins John Patrick. The Proud Decades: America in War and Peace 1941-1960 . New York: W. W. Norton 1989.

Fried Richard. Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective . Oxford: Oxford University Press 1991.

Gaddis John Lewis. The Cold War: A New History . New York: Penguin 2005.

Halberstam David. The Coldest Winter: America and the Korean War. New York: Hyperion 2007.

Hitchcock William I. The Age of Eisenhower: America and the World in the 1950s. New York: Simon and Schuster 2018.

Johnson Paul. Eisenhower: A Life. New York: Penguin 2015.

Lewis Tom. Divided Highways: Building the Interstate Highways Transforming American Life. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press 2013.

May Elaine Tyler. Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era . New York: Basic 2008.

McCullough David. Truman. New York: Simon and Schuster 1993.

Patterson James T. Grand Expectations: The United States 1945-1974. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1996.

Whitfield Stephen J. The Culture of the Cold War. Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press 1996.

Related Content

Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness

In our resource history is presented through a series of narratives, primary sources, and point-counterpoint debates that invites students to participate in the ongoing conversation about the American experiment.

Home — Essay Samples — Literature — A Doll's House — Thesis Statement for A Doll’s House

Thesis Statement for a Doll's House

• Categories: A Doll's House

About this sample

Words: 627 |

Published: Aug 1, 2024

Words: 627 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

Table of contents

Bibliography.

Cite this Essay

Let us write you an essay from scratch

• 450+ experts on 30 subjects ready to help
• Custom essay delivered in as few as 3 hours

Get high-quality help

Dr. Karlyna PhD

Verified writer

• Expert in: Literature

+ 120 experts online

By clicking “Check Writers’ Offers”, you agree to our terms of service and privacy policy . We’ll occasionally send you promo and account related email

No need to pay just yet!

Related Essays

1 pages / 667 words

3 pages / 1537 words

2 pages / 768 words

5 pages / 2287 words

Remember! This is just a sample.

You can get your custom paper by one of our expert writers.

121 writers online

Still can’t find what you need?

Browse our vast selection of original essay samples, each expertly formatted and styled

Related Essays on A Doll's House

A Doll's House challenges societal norms and expectations through its exploration of deception, independence, and gender roles. It offers an important critique of patriarchal structures and the limitations they impose on [...]

In Henrik Ibsen's groundbreaking play, "A Doll's House," the concept of monologue plays a crucial role in shaping the narrative and the characters' development. From Nora's internal reflections on her own identity to Torvald's [...]

Entrapment in A Doll's House serves as a powerful critique of societal expectations, gender roles, and the illusion of freedom. Through Nora's journey, Ibsen highlights the pervasive nature of entrapment within patriarchal [...]

Henrik Ibsen’s play A Doll's House is a critical analysis of 19th-century marriage norms and gender roles. Written in 1879, the play centers on the Helmer family and exposes the limitations placed on women within a [...]

In Ibsen's A Doll's House, the path to self-realization and transformation is depicted by the main character, Nora Helmer. She is a woman constrained by both her husband's domineering ways as well as her own. From a Jungian [...]

The play A Doll’s House, by Henrik Ibsen, offers a critique of the superficial marriage between Nora and Torvald Helmer. Written in 1879, the play describes the problems which ensue after Nora secretly and illegally takes out a [...]

Related Topics

By clicking “Send”, you agree to our Terms of service and Privacy statement . We will occasionally send you account related emails.

Where do you want us to send this sample?

By clicking “Continue”, you agree to our terms of service and privacy policy.

Be careful. This essay is not unique

This essay was donated by a student and is likely to have been used and submitted before

Download this Sample

Free samples may contain mistakes and not unique parts

Sorry, we could not paraphrase this essay. Our professional writers can rewrite it and get you a unique paper.

Please check your inbox.

We can write you a custom essay that will follow your exact instructions and meet the deadlines. Let's fix your grades together!

Get Your Personalized Essay in 3 Hours or Less!

We use cookies to personalyze your web-site experience. By continuing we’ll assume you board with our cookie policy .

• Instructions Followed To The Letter
• Deadlines Met At Every Stage
• Unique And Plagiarism Free

• Secondary School

Essay on Independence vs Interdependence

Explanation:

Independence and interdependence are two contrasting concepts that shape the way individuals and societies function. Independence emphasizes self-reliance, autonomy, and individual freedom, while interdependence underscores the importance of interconnectedness, cooperation, and reliance on others. Both have their merits and play significant roles in various aspects of life.

Independence is often celebrated as a mark of personal growth and maturity. It fosters self-confidence, self-sufficiency, and the ability to make decisions based on one's own judgment. Independence encourages individuals to take responsibility for their actions and pursue their goals without undue reliance on others. It instills a sense of empowerment and freedom, allowing individuals to explore their unique identities and exercise their rights and liberties.

On the other hand, interdependence recognizes the inherent interconnectedness of human beings and promotes collaboration, cooperation, and mutual support. In an interdependent society, individuals recognize that their actions impact others, and they strive to build relationships based on trust, empathy, and shared responsibility. Interdependence fosters social cohesion and solidarity, leading to the formation of strong communities and a sense of collective well-being.

Both independence and interdependence are crucial for a balanced and harmonious society. While independence encourages personal growth and self-actualization, interdependence reminds us of the importance of cooperation and empathy. In reality, these concepts are not mutually exclusive but rather interconnected. True independence often requires acknowledging our interdependence on others, as no individual can exist in isolation. Likewise, interdependence does not imply a loss of individuality or freedom, but rather a recognition of our shared humanity and the benefits of working together.

Finding the right balance between independence and interdependence is a continuous process. It involves respecting individual autonomy while also acknowledging the significance of collective efforts and collaboration. Cultivating independence allows individuals to develop their unique talents and pursue their passions, while fostering interdependence nurtures a sense of social responsibility and empathy.

In conclusion, the concepts of independence and interdependence are integral to human existence and societal well-being. Both have their place in personal growth, relationships, and societal structures. Embracing independence empowers individuals to realize their potential, while recognizing interdependence encourages cooperation and the formation of strong communities. Striving for a harmonious balance between these two concepts can lead to a more inclusive and compassionate world.

New questions in English

• High School

What effect did the coup of 1991 in Moscow have? It resulted in the fall of the Berlin Wall. It restored the communist leaders to power. It accelerated the breakup of the Soviet Union. It overthrew Boris Yeltsin as president of Russia. (The answer is C)

Ai-generated answer.

• 1.1K people helped

It accelerated the breakup of the Soviet union

• 6.7K people helped

simplified answer is   C

Explanation:

Still have questions?

Get more answers for free, you might be interested in, new questions in history.